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Historical Society Papers. 



R . A . BROCK, 

Secretary of the Southern Historical Society 


Published by the Society 



: .-_ -z 
I. General Lees Strategy at the Battle of Chancellorsville. 

bv Colonel T. M. R. Talcotr i 

II. Prison Reminiscences, by Honorable James F. Crocker. 2S 

III. Address before the Ladies Memorial .-.ssociation at 

Charlotte. X. C, May 10, 1906, by Honorable R. T. 
Bennett 52 

IV. Address at Ashland. Va.. on Mem; _ May 26 1906, 

by Honorable John Lamb 57 

V. Prisoners of War North and South, by Miss Ruth Rod- 
ders 60 

VI. Historical Memorial of the Charlotte Cavalry . ::ain 

L. E. Bouldin -5 

VII. New Light on the Great Drewry - Bluff Fight Papei 

read by Judge William I. Clopton. Si 

VIII. From Petersburg to Appomattox, thence to join Johnston 
in North Carolina.. Diary of H. C. T: inn uy 
May. 1S65 :: 

IX. War History Never Published. Famous Conference at 
Centreville when Question of Invading North was 
settled, Mr. Davis' Version of it, contributed Genera] 
If. J. Wright laS 


XXXVII. Thirty-first Virginia at First Manassas, by Colonels J. W. 

Allen and A. C. Cummings 363 

XXXVIII. The gallant Berkeley brothers of the 8th Virginia, C. 

S. A • 37i 


Page 2 line 9, for claim read claim*. 

Page 2 line 27, for Hookers read Hooker 

Page 3 line 9, read 0/" before Lieutenant-General. 

Page 6 line 16, Welford, the family name is Well ford. 

Page 8 line 21, for offi read <?jf. 

Page 10 line 24, undertook should be in quotation marks. 

Page 25 line 1, for Commander in-Chief read Commanding -General. 

Page 26 line 17, after Ewell be, add ordered lo Fredericksburg. 

Page 27 line 23, for recollections read recollection. 

Page 85 line 2, Walker in copy, should be Winder. 

Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Vol. XXXIV Richmond, Va., January-December. 1906 


A Paper Read by Request before R. E. Lee Camp, No. 1, 
C. V., May 20th, 1906. 

By T. M. R. TALCOTT, Major and Aide de Camp to General R. E. 

Lee, in 1862=63, and later Colonel 1st Regiment 

Engineer Troops, A. N. V. 

[For the parole list of Engineer Troops surrendered at Appomattox 
C. H. and graphic account of the retreat from Petersburg, Va., see 
Vol. XXXII, Southern Historical Society Papers. — Ed.] 

Comrades of Lee Camp; 

The subject upon which you have called upon me to sub- 
mit my personal recollections is not the Battle of Chancellors- 
ville, on the 2nd, 3rd and 4th of May, 1863, in which the Fed- 
eral Army of the Potomac, under General Hooker, which num- 
bered more than 130,000 men, was defeated by a part of the Con- 
federate Army of Northern Virginia, numbering less than 
60,000 men, for history has already recorded how that field was 
fought and won. 

The hearing you have kindly afforded me as a member of 
the personal staff of General R. E. Lee at the time of that battle. 
is on the subject of "General R. E. Lee at Chancellorsville," and 
what you wish to know particularly is, f presume, whether or 
not he conceived and directed the movement around the right 
flank, and the attack on the rear of Hooker's army. 

Roth General Lee and General Jackson were so pre-eminent 
for their modesty that we cannot conceive of either of them 
claiming for himself any credit for the movement in question, 
and when various authors of the Life of Jackson awarded to him 
the credit of the success grained bv the Armv ot Northern Vir- 

2 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ginia, where he was present, General Lee. as we shall see, ex- 
pressed reluctance to do anything that might be considered as 
detracting from Jackson's well deserved fame. 

During the period which intervened between the death of 
General Jackson and that of General Lee, only the partial ad- 
mirers of Jackson were heard from, for so long as General Lee 
was reluctant to speak, those who had been nearest to him and 
were best informed as to what could be said in contravention of 
some of the claim set up by biographers of General Jackson, were 
necessarily constrained to silence ; and even after General Lee's 
death there was still some reluctance on the part of General Lee's 
staff to say anything that might seem to detract from the fame of 
General Jackson. 

The first public allusion to the fact that the famous " stroke 
of generalship," which won the Battle of Chancellorsville, was 
" directed by Lee and executed by Jackson," seems to have been 
made by Major John W. Daniel, in his address at the Fifth An- 
nual Re-union of the Army of Northern Virginia, in October, 
1875, nine years after the publication of the "Life and Cam- 
paigns of Lieutenant-General Thomas J. Jackson," in which Dr. 
R. L. Dabney stated that at a conference between Lee and Jack- 
son on the night of May 1st, 1863, General Jackson "proposed to 
throw his command entirely into Hooker's rear." But it was 
not until the Ninth Annual Re-union of the Association, in Octo- 
ber, 1 879. that General Fitzhugh Lee, in his address on Chan- 
cellorsville, endeavored to settle the question as to who originated 
the movement of Jackson's corps to the rear of Hooker, and 
gave Col. Charles Marshall's account of the matter. 

Subsequently, in 1886, General A. L. Long, in his ''Memoirs 
of R. E. Lee," gave his own recollections of how Jackson's 
movement originated, and corroborated them by a letter from 
General Lee to Dr. A. T. Bledsoe, written in October. 1867, and 
an extract from a personal letter from me. 

In 1867 an account was published of the Battle of Chancel- 
lorsville by Messrs. Allan and Hotchkiss, the former of whom 
was the Chief of Ordnance of the Second Corps, and the latter 
also attached to General Jackson's staff, from which I extract 
the following, which differs materially from Dr. Dabney's account 
of the conference between Lee and Jackson and other occur- 
rences which preceded the flank movement around Hooker, but 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor smile. 3 

accords to General Jackson the strategical conception of the 
movement of his corps, as well as the tactical skill with which 
it was executed, and the attack made. 



Embracing the operations of the Army 

of Northern Virginia, from the first 

battle of Fredericksburg, to the death 

Lieutenant-General Jackson. 


Jed. Hotchkiss, 
Late Captain and Topographical Engineer, 2nd Corps, A. N. V., 

and William Allan, 
Late Lieut. -Colonel and Chief of Ordnance, 2nd Corps, A. N. V. 

"Saturday, May 2nd. 

''Lee and Jackson passed the night under some pine trees 
on the left of the Plank Road, just where the Confederate line 
crossed it. The difficulty of attacking the Federal position in 
front had induced General Lee to order his cavalry to recon- 
noitre the right flank of the Lmion Army. During the night 
they reported favorably to an attack in that direction. At day- 
break, General Jackson dispatched two of his staff to ascertain 
if a practicable route existed by which, with speed and secrecy, 
he might move 'round the flank of the hostile army. The needed 
information was soon obtained. Seated upon two cracker 
boxes, the debris of an issue of Federal rations the day before, 
the Confederate leaders held their consultation. With a map 
before him, General Jackson suggested an entire circuit of 
the right of the opposing army, and that the attack should be 
made in its rear. Lee inquired with what force he could do 
this. Jackson replied, 'With my whole corps, present.' Lee 
then asked what would be left to him with which to resist an ad- 
vance of the enemy towards Fredericksburg. 'The divisions of 
Anderson and McLaws,' said Jackson. For a moment Lee re- 
flected on the audacity of this plan in the face of Hooker's 
superior numbers. With less than forty-two thousand mus- 

4 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

kets, he was in the presence of sixty thousand. To divide his 
army into two parts, and place the whole Federal army between 
them, was extremely hazardous. But it was impossible to at- 
tack the Federal position in front without terrible loss. The 
very boldness of the proposed movement, if executed with se- 
crecy and dispatch, was an earnest of success. Jackson was 
directed to carry out the plan. 

"The orders for the march were immediately given. Rodes, 
in command of D. H. Hill's division, was placed in advance. 
A. P. Hill brought up the rear." 

The foregoing was undoubtedly written by Hotchkiss, for 
subsequently he gave a similar account of what passed between 
Lee and Jackson, and claimed that he was present and heard 
what was said, as will be seen from the following extract from 
Henderson's "Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War,*' 
published in 1897: 

"About daylight on May 2nd," says Major Flotchkiss. "Gen- 
eral Jackson awakened me. and requested that I would at once 
go down to Catherine Furnace, which is quite near, and 
where a Colonel Welford lived, and ascertain if there was any 
road by which he could secretly pass around Chancellorsville 
to the vicinity of the old Wilderness Tavern. I had a map, 
which our engineers had prepared from actual surveys, of the 
surrounding country, showing all the public roads, but with 
few details of the intermediate topography. Reaching Mr. Wel- 
ford's, T aroused him from his bed, and soon learned that he 
himself had recently opened a road through the woods in that 
direction for the purpose of hauling cord wood and iron ore to the 
furnace. This ] located on the ma]), and having asked Mr. 
Welford if he would act as a guide if it became necessary to 
march over that road. T returned to headquarters. When T 
reached there T found Generals Fee and Jackson in conference, 
each seated on a cracker box. from a pile which had been left 
there* by the Federals the day before. In response to General 
Jackson's request for my report. I put another cracker box be- 
tween the two generals, on which I spread the ma]), showed 
theni the road i had ascertained, and indicated, so far as 1 knew 
it. the position of the Federal army. General Fee then said. 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor so Me. 5 

'General Jackson, what do yon propose to do?' He replied, 'Go 
around here,' moving his finger over the road which I had lo- 
cated upon the map. General Lee said, 'What do you propose 
to make the movement with?' 'With my whole corps,' was the 
answer. General Lee then asked 'What will you leave me?' 
'The divisions of Anderson and McLaws,' said Jackson. Gen- 
eral Lee, after a moment's reflection, remarked, 'Well, go on,' 
and then, pencil in hand, gave his last instructions. Jackson, 
with an eager smile upon his face, from time to time nodded 
assent, and when the Commander-in-Chief ended with the 
words, 'General Stuart will cover your movements with his 
cavalry,' he rose and saluted, saying, 'My troops will move at 
once, sir.' " 

Condensing the account of Allan and Hotchkiss, the princi- 
pal facts stated are : 

i. Lee and Jackson passed the night in close proximity to 
each other, whether with or without conference is not stated. 
The difficulty of attacking the Federal position in front had 
induced General Lee to order his cavalry to reconnoitre the right 
flank of the Union army, and during the night they reported 
favorably to an attack in that direction. 

2. At daybreak on May 2nd, General Jackson dispatched 
two of his staff to ascertain whether there was a practicable 
route by which he might move with speed and secrecy around 
the flank of General Hooker's army. The needed information 
was soon obtained, and General Jackson, after his two staff 
officers had reported the result of their reconnoisance, sug- 
gested to General Lee an entire circuit of the right flank of 
the opposing army, and that the attack should be made in its 
rear. That after some hesitation General Lee accepted General 
Jackson's suggestion, and then, but not until then, orders for 
the march of the Second Corps were given. 

Dr. Dabney says : 

i. "When Friday night arrived, Generals Lee and Jackson 
met at a spot where the road to the Catherine Furnace turned 
southeastward from the Plank Road * * *. General Stuart 

6 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

now joined them, and reported the result of his reconnoisance 
upon the south and west of Hooker's position. * * *. 

"Generals Lee and Jackson now withdrew, and held an anx- 
ious consultation. That Hooker must be attacked, and that 
speedily, was clear to the judgment of both of them. * * *. 

2. "He (General Lee) had already commanded his troops 
to commence a movement towards the left, and communicated 
his views to General Jackson, who warmly concurred in their 
wisdom. A report was about this time received from General 
Fitzhugh Lee, of Stuart's command, describing the position of 
the Federal army, and the roads which he held with his cavalry 
leading to its rear. General Jackson now proposed to throw 
his command entirely in Hooker's rear." * * *. 

In his last account, Hotchkiss claimed to have obtained 
information (on the morning of May 2nd) of a road which had 
been recently opened by Col. Welford, and that it was by this 
road that Jackson's corps made the detour around Hooker's 
right flank, but the "Route of Jackson's Corps," as indicated 
by Hotchkiss on the map published with his first account in 
1867, was by the "Furnace" and "Brock" roads, which were 
old roads, and were clearly shown on the map of Spotsylvania 
county, prepared before the Battle of Chancellorsville, by Major 
A. H. Campbell, of the C. S. Engineer corps, (see Plate No.. 
XCI, published with Vol. 25, of Rebellion Records). 

It is apparent from Dr. Dabney's 'account that General 
Jackson was seeking for a shorter route than Campbell's map 
showed, as well as information as to the condition of the known 
roads, but if the route of the Second Corps on May 2nd is cor- 
rectly laid down by Hotchkiss on his map, all efforts to hud a 
suitable cut-oft failed, for it followed the old roads shown on 
I Campbell's map. Furthermore, it was from his chaplain, (the 
Rev. Mr. Lacy), that Jackson sought information about the 
roads, for Dr. Dabney says: 

"When his chaplain awoke in the morning, before the 
■lawn of day. he perceived a little fire kindled under the trees, 
and General Jackson sitting by it upon a box. such as was used 
':<> contain biscuit for the soldiers. The General knew that his 
former pastoral labors had led him to this region, and he de- 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor sville. 7 

sired to learn something from him about its by-roads. He 
therefore requested him to sit beside him on the box ; and when 
the other declined to incommode him by doing so, made room 
for him, and repeated, 'Come, sit down ; I wish to talk to yon.' 
* * * 

"He wished to know whether he was acquainted with any 
way by which their flank might be turned, either on the fight 
or left. He was informed, in reply, that after proceeding 
southward along the Furnace Road, for a space, a blind road 
would present itself, leading westward, and nearly parallel to 
the Orange Plank Road, which, in its turn, would conduct into 
a plainer route, that fell into the great road four miles above 
Chancellorsville. The General, quickly drawing from his pocket 
an outline map, prepared for him by one of his engineers, and 
a pencil, said, 'Take this map, and mark it down for me.' When 
he saw it, he said, 'That is too near ; it goes within the line of 
the enemy's pickets. I wish to get around well to his rear, 
without being observed; do you know of no other road?' He 
replied that he had no perfect knowledge of any other, but pre- 
sumed that the road which he had described as entering the 
Orange Plank Road, four miles above Chancellorsville, must 
intersect the Furnace Road somewhere in the interior, because 
their directions were convergent. 'Then,' said Jackson, 'where 
can you find this out certainly?' He was told that everything 
could doubtless be learned at the house of the proprietor of 
the furnace, a mile and a half distant, whose son, a patriotic 
and gallant man, would be an excellent guide. He then said, 
'Go with Mr. Hotchkiss (his topographical engineer) to the 
furnace, ascertain whether these roads meet, at what distance, 
and whether they are practicable for artillery ; send Mr. Hotch- 
kiss back with the information, and do you procure me a guide ?' 

"The desired information was speedily obtained; and it was 
discovered that the two roads crossed each other at the distance 
of a few miles ; so that, by a circuit of fifteen miles, a point 
would be reached near Wilderness Run, several miles above 
the farthest outposts of Hooker. The intersecting road, by 
which the Orange Plank Road was to be regained, was known 
as the Brock Road." 

This account, which was no doubt given to Dr. Dabnev bv 

8 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the Rev. B. T. Lacy, shows that General Jackson contemplated 
taking the route by the Furnace Road to where it crossed the 
Brock Road, and thence by the Brock Road across the Plank 
Road to the old turnpike near the Wilderness tavern, and Iiotch- 
kiss' map shows that this was the route followed by him. Hotch- 
kiss' claim to have discovered a hitherto unknown route, by 
which the movement was effected is, therefore, unwarranted. 
Idle statement that marching' orders were not given to the 
Second Corps until after a meeting" between Lee and Jackson 
Saturday morning', May 2nd, is not consistent with the facts, 
which appear in the official records, as will be seen from the fol- 
lowing- extracts from the "War of the Rebellion, Official Rec- 
ords of the Union and Confederate Armies," Series I, Vol. XXV: 


From the Report of Brig. Gen'l David B. Birney, U. S. A. 

"About 8 o'clock I reported to .Major-General Sickles that 
a continuous column of infantry, trains and ambulances was 
passing- my front towards the right." 

Prom the Report of Brigadier General George Doles, C. S. A. 

"About 6 A. IMA May 2nd, moved up dirt road abont half 
a mile ; filed offi to the left on the Furnace Road, arriving- at 
Germanna Road abont 3:30 P. M." 

From the Report of Brig. Gen'l S. D. Ramseur, G. S. A. 

"Saturday, "May 2nd, we were relieved abont sunrise, and 
shortly thereafter marched by a series of circuitous routes, and 
with surpassing' strategy to a position in the rear of the enemy." 

From the Report of Got. J. M. Hall, 5th Alabama Regt. 

"At sunrise, Mav 2nd. we resumed our march; were 
formed in line of battle in rear of Chancellorsville abont 2:30 
P. M. ::: :;: *. 

From the Report of Capt. M. I : . Bonham, yd Alabama Regt. 

"May 2nd, moved at sunrise np the Plank Road, and after 
a circuitous march of nine hours, in which many men fainted 

and fell bv the roadside, formed in line of battle 011 the Plank 
Road, in the enemy's rear." 

Note.- — Sunrise was abont <> A. M. 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor sville. 9 

John Esten Cooke says in his "Military Biography of Stone- 
wall Jackson": "The column commenced to move at daybreak," 
and Dr. Dabney states that General Jackson reached the furnace 
at the head of his column, "a little after sunrise." 

These extracts from the Official Reports, and statements 
of General Jackson's biographers, suffice to show that the 
movements of the Second Corps, on May 2nd, began much earlier 
than the statement of Allan and Hotchkiss would indicate, and, 
if so, before their reported interview between Lee and Jackson 
could have occurred. There must, therefore, have been an 
understanding' between Lee and Jackson that Hooker's right 
flank was to be turned by Jackson, and marching orders must 
have been given the night before for an early start on the morn- 
ing of Saturday, May 2nd. 

Hotchkiss' representation that there was time for him after 
daylight to go to the furnace, arouse Col. Welford, get informa- 
tion about the roads, return to General Jackson and make his 
report, and then for Generals Lee and Jackson to confer, and 
reach a conclusion before marching orders were issued to the 
Second Corps, is at variance with substantiated facts, even with- 
out what follows : 


In a letter to Airs. Jackson, dated January 25th, 1866, 
General Lee said, in commenting on the manuscript of Dr. Dab- 
ney's "Life and Campaigns of Lieut-General T. J. (Stonewall) 
Jackson." which had been submitted to him for examination be- 
fore publication : 

"I am misrepresented at the Battle of Chancellorsville in 
proposing an attack in front, the first evening of our arrival. 
On the contrary., I decided against it, and stated to General 
Jackson, we. must attack on our left as soon as practicable; and 
the necessary movement of the troops began immediately. In 
consequence of a report received about that time, from General 
Fitz. Lee, describing the position of the Federal army, and the 
roads which he held with his cavalry leading to its rear, Gen- 
eral Jackson, after some inquiry concerning the roads leading 
to the furnace, undertook to throw his command entirely in 
] looker's rear, which he accomplished with equal skill and 

10 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

boldness: the rest of the army being moved to the left flank to 
connect with him as he advanced." 

Here we have from General Lee himself positive state- 
ments with which to test the accuracy of what has been said or 
written by others : 

t. On the evening of his and Jackson's arrival in front of 
Hooker's position at Chancellorsville, which was Friday. May 
ist. he decided against an attack in front, and stated to General 
Jackson that the attack must be on "our left," (which was Gen- 
eral Hooker's right), that it must be made "as soon as practica- 
ble." and that the necessary movement of the troops ''began im- 

2. That about the same time (on the evening of Friday, 
Hay ist). a report was received from General Fitz. Lee. "de- 
scribing the position of the Federal army, and the roads which 
he held with his cavalry leading to its rear," and "General 
Jackson, after some inquiry concerning the roads leading to 
the furnace, undertook to throw his command entirely in Hook- 
er's rear." 

From this it seems clear that General Lee told General 
Jackson on the night of Friday, Hay ist, when and how Gen- 
eral Hooker's army was to be attacked, and that General Jack- 
son, after some inquiry concerning the roads leading to the 
Furnace undertook "to carry out the plan of attack indicated 
to 'him by General Lee. and commenced the movement of his 
troops into position at once. 

Genera] Jackson's inquiry about the roads leading to the 
Furnace was obviously to enable him to determine the line of 
march oi each of his divisions, from where they halted Friday 
night, to the Furnace, from which point he led his troops in 
person, as stated by Dr. Dabney. 

General Lee gave to General Jackson all the credit of hav- 
ing undertaken and success fully carried out the movement 
around Hooker. lie was writing to Mrs. Jackson, and if he 
could have truthfully accorded to her dead husband all the 
credit claimed for General Jackson by Dr. Dabney, Ik- would 
certainly have done so in specific terms: but he did not say 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor sirille. 11 

that General Jackson proposed the movement he undertook to 

In General Lee's official report of the Battle of Chancel- 
lorsville, he says : 

"It was evident that a direct attack upon the enemy would 
he attended with great difficulty and loss, in view of the strength 
of his position and his superiority of numbers. It was, there- 
fore, resolved to endeavor to turn his right flank and gain 
his rear, leaving a force in front to hold him in check and 
conceal the movement. The execution of this movement was 
entrusted to Lieutenant-General Jackson, with his three divisions. 
The commands of Generals McLaws and Anderson, with the 
exception of Wilcox's Brigade, which during the night had 
been ordered back to Banks' Ford, remained in front of the 

"Early on the morning of the 2nd, General Jackson marched 
by the Furnace and Brock roads, his movement being effectually 
covered by Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry, under General Stuart in 
person. * * * . 

"The movement by which the enemy's position was turned 
and the fortune of the day decided was conducted by the lamented 
Lieutenant-General Jackson." * * *. 

The personal recollections of such members of General Lee's 
staff as have been recorded, were, for reasons already stated, 
written many years after the occurrences to which they bear 
witness, and it would be strange indeed if they were in perfect 
accord, but they all agree with Dr. Dabney, that it was at a 
conference between Lee and Jackson Friday night, that the at- 
tack on Hooker's rear was decided upon, the material point 
of difference between Dr. Dabney and Lee's staff officers being 
as to whether Lee or Jackson originated the rear attack on 

Col. W. H. Taylor, of Lee's staff, in his "Four Years with 
General Lee," published in 1878, says in his account of the Bat- 
tle of Chancellorsville : 

"Encouraged by the counsel and confidence of General 
Jackson, he (General Lee) determined still further to divide 
his army; and while he, with the divisions of Anderson and 

12 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

McLaws, less than fourteen thousand men, should hold the 
enemy in his front, he would hurl Jackson upon his flank and 
rear, and crush and crumble him as between the upper and 
nether millstone. The very boldness of the movement contrib- 
uted much to insure its success.'' 

General Fitzhugh Lee, in his address at the Ninth Annual 
Re-union of the Virginia Division of the Army of Northern 
Virginia Association, in 1879, says: 

"The problem presented to General Lee's mind on Friday 
night. May 1st, was to decide how best to attack Hooker's 
arm)- on the morning of May 2nd. Time was an important ele- 
ment ; for near Fredericksburg, in his rear, was Sedgwick, 
largely outnumbering the Confederate force in front under 
Early. During the afternoon General Lee washed to attack 
from his right, and cut Hooker off from the United States Ford, 
severing his communications with Sedgwick, and rede down 
himself and examined the line all the way to the river, but 
found no place where he could do so. Returning at night, he 
found Jackson, and asked if he knew of any place to attack. 
Jackson said, 'No.' Lee said, 'Then we must get around on 
the Federal right.' Jackson said he had been enquiring about 
roads by the furnace. Stuart came up then, and said he would 
go down to the furnace, and see what he could learn about roads, 
lie soon returned with Rev. B. T. Lacy, who said, 'A circuit 
could be made around by Wilderness Tavern ;" and a young man 
living in the count}-, and then in the cavalry, was sent for to act 
as guide. 

"Ah ! what an earnest talk Lee and Jackson had on the 
night of May the 1st. At sunset they took their seats on a log- 
on the right, or north side, of the Plank Road, and a little dis- 
tance in die woods. Colonel Marshall, the well-known aide-de- 
cani]) ot General Lee, was die only other person present, hav- 
ing been ordered to come to the spot for the purpose oi writ- 
ing a letter to Mr. Davis, dictated by General Lee. Marshall 
sat on the end of a fallen tree, within three feet ^i the two gen- 
erals, and heard every word that passed between them, and this 
is what he tells me Lee and Jackson talked about on that event- 
ful night : 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellorsville. 13 

' Jackson spoke to General Lee about what he had seen 
and heard during' the advance, and commented upon the prompt- 
ness with which the enemy had appeared to abandon his move- 
ments toward Fredericksburg when opposed, and the ease with 
which he had been driven back to Chancellorsville, and con- 
cluded by expressing the opinion very decidedly, and repeating 
it more than once, that the enemy would recross the Rappahan- 
nock before morning. He said, in substance, "By to-morrow 
morning there will not be any of them on this side of the river." 

General Lee expressed the hope that General Jackson's ex- 
pectations might be realized, but said "he did not look for such 
a result ; that he did not believe the enemy would abandon his 
attempt so easily," and expressed his conviction that the main 
body of General Hooker's army was in his front, and that the 
real move was to be made from this direction, and not from 
Fredericksburg. On this point there w T as a great difference of 
opinion among our higher officers, and General Lee was the 
only one who seemed to have the absolute conviction that the 
real movement of the Federal army was the one he was then 
meeting. In this belief he never wavered from the first. After 
telling General Jackson that he hoped his opinion might be 
proved correct. General Lee added, "But, General, we must get 
ready to attack the enemy if we should find him here to-morrow, 
and you must make all arrangements to move around his right 
flank." General Lee then took up the map and pointed out to 
Jackson the general direction of his route by the Furnace and 
Brock roads. Some conversation took place as to the import- 
ance of endeavoring to conceal the movement from the enemy, 
and as to the existence of roads further to the enemy's right, 
by which General Jackson might pass so as not to be exposed 
to observation or attack. The general line of Jackson's route 
was pointed out, and the necessity of celerity and secrecy was 
enjoined upon him. The conversation was a lengthy one, and 
at the conclusion of it, General Lee said to Jackson, "that before 
he moved in the morning, if he should have any doubt as to 
whether the. enemy was still in position, he could send a couple 
of guns to a spot close by, open lire on the enemy's position, 
which would speedily settle the question." From the spot re- 
ferred to, two of our guns had to be withdrawn that afternoon, 
as the infantry were suffering from the fire they were draw- 

14 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ing from the enemy. General Jackson then withdrew, and Gen- 
eral Lee dictated to Colonel Marshall a long letter to President 
Davis, giving him fully the situation. In it he regretted he 
could not have the assistance of Pickett's and Hood's divisions, 
but expressed his confidence in the good judgment that had 
withdrawn and kept them from him, and closed with the hope 
that, notwithstanding all our dangers and disadvantages, Provi- 
dence would bless the efforts which he was sure his brave army 
would make to deserve success/ 

"I give all this detail to show' the errors writers upon Chan- 
cellorsville have fallen into, in reference to the ORIGIN of Gen- 
Jackson's famous flank movement. 

"And as settling the question as to who originated this 
movement, I give the following extract from a letter written by 
General Lee to Rev. Dr. A. T. Bledsoe, in reply to one from 
Dr. Bledsoe, in which he asked the direct question as to whether 
Jackson's move originated with himself or was suggested by 
( leneral Lee: 

"Lexington, Ya., October 28th, 1867. 

"Dr. A. T. Bledsoe, Office 'Southern Reviezv/ Baltimore, Md,; 
"My Dear Sir: — In reply to your inquiry, I must acknowl- 
edge that I have not read the article on Chancellorsville in the 
last number of the Southern Review, nor have I read any of 
the books published on either side since the termination of hos- 
tilities. I have as yet felt no desire to revive my recollections 
of those events, and have been satisfied with the knowledge I 
possessed of what transpired. I have, however, learned from 
others that the various authors of the Life of Jackson award 
him the credit of the success gained by the Army of Northern 
Virginia, where he was present, and describe the movement of 
his corps, or command, as independent of the general plan of 
operations, and undertaken at his own suggestion and upon his 
own responsibility. I have the greatest reluctance to do any- 
thing tli at might be considered as detracting from his well de- 
served fame, for I believe that no one was more convinced of 
his worth, or appreciated him more highly than myself; yet 
your knowledge of military affairs, if you have none of the 
events themselves, will teach you that this could not have been 
so. Every movement of an army must he well considered and 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor smile. 15 

properly ordered, and every one who knows General Jackson 
must know that he was too good a soldier to violate this funda- 
mental military principle. In the operations around Chancellors- 
ville, I overtook General Jackson, who had been placed in com- 
mand of the advance, as the skirmishers of the approaching armies 
met, advanced with the troops to the Federal line of defenses, 
and was on the field until their whole army recrossed the Rap- 
pahannock. There is no question as to who was responsible for 
the operations of the Confederates, or to whom any failure 
would have been charged. 

''What I have said is for your own information. With my 
best wishes for the success of the Southern Review, and for your 
own welfare, in both of which I take a lively interest, 

"I am, with great respect, your friend and servant, 

"R. E. Lee." 

General A. L. Long, of General Lee's staff, in his "Memoirs 
of Robert E. Lee," published in 1886, says: 

''It was obvious that the Federal position was too formid- 
able to be attacked in front with any hope of success ; therefore, 
Lee proceeded to devise a plan by which the position of Hooker 
might be turned and a point of attack gained from which no 
danger was apprehended by the Federal commander. 

"General Lee was informed that the Rev. Mr. Lacy, a 
chaplain in Jackson's corps, was familiar with the country about 
Chancellorsville. Mr. Lacy informed the General that he had 
been pastor of a church near Chancellorsville, and was well ac- 
quainted with all the roads in that neighborhood, and that troops 
could be conducted to a designated point beyond Chancellors- 
ville by a road sufficiently remote from the Federal position to 
prevent discovery. With this information Lee determined to 
turn the Federal position and assail it from a point where an 
attack was unexpected. The execution of a movement so much 
in accordance with his genius and inclination, was assigned to 
General Jackson, Captain Carter acting as guide. 

"The above statement is made from personal knowledge 
of the writer, gained on the ground at the time ; still, since some 
of Jackson's biographers have allowed their partiality for him 
to so far outstrip their knowledge of facts as to claim for him 

16 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the origin of the movement. I will introduce, in corroboration 
of my statement, the following letter, from General Lee, pub- 
lished in the address of General Fitzhugh Lee, before the South- 
ern Historical Society." 

Here follows General Lee's letter to Dr. A. T Bledsoe, as 
already given above . 

"The last interview between Lee and Jackson, during which 
this important movement was decided upon, was an occasion of 
great historical interest, in regard to which the writer is for- 
tunately able to add some information from his own knowledge 
of the circumstances, and that of other members of General 
Lee's staff. He has been favored by Major T. M. R. Talcott 
with certain important details of this event, conveyed in a pri- 
vate letter, from which the following extract is made : 

"My recollections of the night before the Battle of Chan- 
cellorsville are briefly as follows : 

"About sunset General Jackson sent word to General Lee 
(by me) that his advance was checked, and that the enemy was 
in force at Chancellorsville. This brought General Lee to the 
front, and General Jackson met him in the southeast angle of 
the Chancellorsville and Catherine Forge roads. 

"General Lee asked General Jackson whether he had ascer- 
tained the position and strength of the enemy on our left, to 
which General Jackson replied by stating the result of an attack 
made by Stuart's cavalry near Catherine Forge about dusk. 
The position of the enemy immediately in front was then dis- 
cussed, and Captain Boswell and myself were sent to make a 
moonlight reconnoisance, the result of which was reported about 
10 P. M., and was not favorable to an attack in front. 

"At this time Generals Lee and Jackson were together, and 
Lee. who had a map before him, asked Jackson, 'How can we 
get at these people?' To which Jackson replied, in effect. 'You 
know best. Show me what to do, and we will try to do it.' 
General Lee looked thoughtfully at the map; then indicated on 
it. and explained the movement he desired General Jackson to 
make, and closed by saving, 'General Stuart will cover your 
movement with his cavalry.' General Jackson listened atten- 
tively, and his face lighted up with a smile while General Lee 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor smile. 17 

was speaking. Then rising and touching his cap, he said, 'My 
troops will move at four o'clock.' 

"Having, in the manner here described, settled upon the 
plan of operations for the ensuing day, the two generals, accom- 
panied by their staff officers, repaired to a neighboring pine 
thicket, where an open space, well sheltered by overhanging 
boughs, afforded the party a good bivouac. The day having 
been a fatiguing one, they lost little time in preparing for the 
night's repose. Each selected his ground for a bed, spread his 
saddle blanket, substituted his saddle for a pillow and his 
overcoat for covering, and was soon in a happy state of obliv- 

Colonel Marshall is not entirely accurate in the account 
he furnished General Fitzhugh Lee in 1879, °f * ne conference 
between Lee and Jackson, for he leaves no room for what 
passed between them in my presence. It is evident that what 
occurred in the presence of each of us was at different times 
during a conference which lasted several hours. To my certain 
knowledge Lee and Jackson met on the Plank Road, at or near 
the road to the Catherine Furnace, while it was yet daylight, 
for they had to move aside out of range of the enemy's sharp- 
shooters, one of whom had climbed a big pine tree, and could 
be seen to fire occasional shots at some Confederate artillery 
which had just come up and halted on the Plank Road. 

Generals Lee and Jackson were together in conference 
when Captain J. K. Boswell, Chief Engineer of the Second corps, 
and myself started on our reconnoisance, which must have re- 
quired one, and perhaps, two hours, and also when we reported 
to them the result of it. At what hour we started I do not re- 
collect, but it was more than an hour after sunset, for I well re- 
member that as we pursued our way through the woods to- 
wards the Federal lines, we passed the body of a young Con- 
federate, lying with upturned face in the cold moonlight. Twen- 
ty-four hours later my companion of that night was lying dead 
in the Wilderness, where Jackson fell wounded, and whenever 
the gallant Boswell has since been mentioned, I recall the ap- 
pearance of the dead boy on the picket line in front of Chancel- 
lorsville, on whom we looked together. So vivid is my recol- 
lection of this, my only close association with Captain Boswell, 

18 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

that I cannot be mistaken either as to the fact of our recon- 
noisance, or our report to Generals Lee and Jackson after our 
return, which was probably about 10 P. M. 

In my letter to General Long", I may have been mistaken 
in saying that it was at this late hour that General Lee asked 
General Jackson. "How can we get at these people?" For in 
light of what Colonel Marshall has said, it seems probable that 
this question was put by General Lee, and replied to by Gen- 
eral Jackson at an earlier hour, soon after their conference began, 
and before, instead of after, the reconnoisance in Hooker's front 
was made. What Colonel Marshall says passed between Lee 
and Jackson must have occurred while Captain Boswell and 
myself were out on our reconnoisance, in which case what we 
heard on our return was to some extent a repetition of what 
had been previously discussed in the presence of Colonel Mar- 
shall, as to what could be done in case an attack on Hooker's 
front, which would save valuable time, was impracticable. 

If it had been already known positively that an attack in 
Hooker's front was out of the question, the reconnoisance would 
not have been ordered ; and although General Lee and General 
Jackson were considering what else might be done whilst waiting 
for our report, it stands to reason that the very hazardous move- 
ment around Hooker's right was not finally decided upon until 
the last hope of a successful attack in front was abandoned, on 
the information obtained by Captain Boswell and myself as to 
the strength of the enemy's position and defenses in front 01 

Colonel Marshall seems also to be mistaken in saying that 
General Lee dictated a letter to President Davis on the night 
of May ist, for General Lee wrote to Mr. Davis on May 2nd, 
in part, as follows : 

"I have no expectations that any reinforcements from Long- 
street or North Carolina will join me in time to aid in the con- 
test at this point, but they may be in time for a subsequent occa- 

"We succeeded in driving the enemy from in front of our 
position at Tabernacle Church, on all the roads back to Chan- 
cellorsville, where he concentrated in a position remarkably fav- 

General Lee's Strategy at ChaneeUorsville. 19 

orable for him. We were unable last evening- to dislodge him. 
I am now swinging around to my left to come up in his rear. 
"I learn, from prisoners taken, that Heintzelman's troops 
from Washington are here, and the enemy seems to have con- 
centrated his strength for this effort. If I had with me all my 
command, and could keep it supplied with provisions and forage, 
I should feel easy, but, as far as I can judge, the advantage of 
numbers and position is greatly in favor of the enemy." 

This letter, which is in the Official Records,, precludes the 
idea of a letter the night of May ist, such as Colonel Marshall 
says was dictated by General Lee to Mr. Davis, "giving him 
fully the situation," unless General Lee had forgotten what he 
wrote the night before. 

It is evident that Dr. Dabney corrected his manuscript with 
General Lee's letter to Mrs. Jackson before him, for he omitted 
the statement that General Lee proposed to attack General Hook- 
er's position at Chancellorsville in front, and adopted almost the 
exact language of General Lee in stating what it was decided to 
do, but he used the word ''proposed," which was not General 
Lee's, probably through inadvertence, or on the supposition 
that it expressed General Lee's true meaning as well or better 
than "undertook." 

What General Lee did say was, that General Jackson "un- 
dertook to throw his command entirely in Hooker's rear," but 
Dr. Dabney says that General Jackson "proposed to throw his 
command entirely into Llooker's rear," and further contro- 
versy on the question is practically narrowed down to the mean- 
ing of the word "undertook," as used by General Lee in his 
letter to Mrs. Jackson. 

What General Lee wrote to Mrs. Jackson should be taken 
in connection with his official report and his letter to Dr. Bled- 
soe, thus : 

"In the operations around Chancellorsville I overtook Gen- 
eral Jackson, who had been placed in command of the advance 
as the skirmishers of the approaching armies met, advanced with 
the troops to the Federal line of defenses, and was on the field 
until their whole army recrossed the Rappahannock. There is 

20 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

no question as to who was responsible for the operations of 
the Confederates, or to whom any failure would have been 

"It was evident that a direct attack upon the enemy would 
be attended with great difficulty and loss, in view of the strength 
of his position and his superiority of numbers. It was, there- 
fore, resolved to endeavor to turn his right flank and gain his 
rear, leaving a force in front to hold him in check and conceal 
the movement. The execution of this movement was entrusted 
to Lieutenant General Jackson with his three divisions. * * *. 

"General Jackson undertook to throw his command entirely 
in Hooker's rear, which he accomplished with equal skill and 
boldness. * * *. 

"The movement by which the enemy's position was turned 
and the fortune of the day decided was conducted by the la- 
mented Lieutenant General Jackson." 

The order to attack Hooker's rear followed a report made 
by General Fitzhugh Lee that the Federal right on the Plank 
Road was, as Colonel Henderson says : 

"In the air: that is, it was protected by no natural obstacle, 
and the breast works faced south, and south only. It was evi- 
dent that attack from the west or northwest was not anticipated, 
and Lee at once seized upon the chance of effecting- a surprise." 

No one has claimed for General Fitzhugh Lee the credit 
of having proposed the attack on Hooker's rear, although his 
report of the conditions which made it practicable, was obviously 
a suggestion of what might be done if conditions elsewhere 
permitted the detachment of a sufficient force for the purpose. 
It was for the commanding general alone to decide whether 
the opportunity could be availed of, what force could be de- 
tached for the purpose, to whom the command should be en- 
trusted, with what force his lines in Hooker's front could be 
maintained, and how Sedgwick was to be held in check until the 
rear of J looker was reached and the right wing of his army 
crushed. The responsibility was all Lee's, and to him. first of 
all, belongs the credit of what was accomplished. The credit 
of having well performed the parts allotted to them, was shared 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellorsville. 21 

by his subordinate commanders, but is chiefly due to Jackson, to 
whom the more difficult task was assigned. Whatever credit 
is due for suggesting what was done belongs to General Fitzhugh 
Lee, and Colonel Henderson truly says that to his skill and 
activity the victory of Chancellorsville was in great part due. 

All this responsibility rested on General Lee, and more, for 
as Colonel Henderson says, "To take advantage of the opportun- 
ity, the first rule of war must be violated." Could either Fitz- 
hugh Lee or Jackson relieve him of such responsibility? Em- 
phatically, No! All that any subordinate could do was to lay be- 
fore the commanding general the facts ascertained Lby him on his 
part of the field, and when the chief, with his wider knowledge 
of conditions, had matured his plans, undertake with confidence 
the part allotted to him, and execute with his utmost skill and 
vigor the designs of his superior. 

The claim that General Jackson at the last moment hastily 
proposed to take his entire command and execute a hazardous 
movement of his own devising and practically dictated to General 
Lee what he was to do meanwhile, is a reflection on the soldierly 
qualities of General Jackson, and General Lee resented such an 
imputation when he said to Dr. Bledsoe : 

"Every movement of an army must be well considered and 
properly ordered, and everyone who knew General Jackson must 
know that he was too good a soldier to violate this fundamental 
military principle." 

Three hours before sunset General Lee was on the Plank 
Road, two # miles east of Chancellorsville. At four P. M., he 
sent a dispatch to General Stuart, of which the following copy 
is taken from the official records: 

"Plank Road, 2 Miles From Chancellorsville, 
"May ist, 1863, 4 o'clock. 

"Major General Stuart, Commanding Cavalry; 

"The captured prisoners agree in stating that this is Meade's 
corps with which we are now engaged, and that Howard's corps 
preceded them across the Rapidan, and has taken some other 

22 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

road. This is the only column that we can find in this direc- 
tion. What lias become of the other two? 
"Meade appears to be falling back. 

"I am very respectfully, yours, etc., 

" R. E. Lee, General." 

It must have been soon after sending this that he received 
General Jackson's message saying the enemy had made a stand- 
at Chancellorsville. and moved forward on the Plank Road to 
the meeting with General Jackson, which, for reasons already 
stated, could not have occurred later than 6:30 or 7:00 P. M., 
after which time the)- were in close proximity until the next 
morning; yet we are told by Hotchkiss that no plan of attack 
was decided on, and no orders for the movement of troops were 
given until several hours after daylight Saturday morning. 

Hotchkiss makes it appear that owing to imperfections in 
the maps prepared by the Confederate engineers before the Bat- 
tle of Chancellorsville, General Jackson did not know how to 
reach Hooker's rear until the morning of May 2nd, when he 
(Hotchkiss) obtained information of a hitherto unknown road, 
which met all the requirements of a detour around Hooker's 
right, and laid it down on the map for General Jackson's informa- 
tion and guidance. Jackson's chief engineer, Captain Boswell, 
was still alive on the morning of May 2nd, and it was to him 
that General Jackson would naturally look for such information, 
and not to Hotchkiss, who was one of Captain Boswell's subordi- 
nates. Furthermore, from the account given by Dr. Dabney, it 
appears that it was from the Rev. B. T. Lacy that General 
Jackson sought information Saturday morning, of some shorter 
route than that by the Furnace and Brock roads, which had 
been indicated by General Lee the night before. 

In order to show what information Generals Lee and Jack- 
son had before them, and what was proposed when they were in 
conference Friday night, I submit herewith an enlarged copy of 
part of Campbell's map of Spotsylvania county, upon which I have 
noted the Federal position as it was at that time, the Confederate 
lines in front of Chancellorsville, the movement of Jackson's 
Corps, and its position for attack at 6 P. M., on Saturday, May 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor smile. 23 

2nd. A close examination of this map shows that even the by- 
road suggested by Dr. Lacy as a cut-off was already laid down 
on Campbell's map, as well as the roads which were followed 
by the Second corps on May 2nd, 1903, and there is no material 
difference in the roads around Chancellorsville, as laid down 
by Campbell before the battle, and as shown by 1 Eotchkiss on his 
map, which was made after the battle. 

With Campbell's map before them on the night of "May 1st, 
and the position of General Hooker ascertained, as I have shown 
it thereon, there is no reason why General Lee should not have 
been able to indicate to General Jackson the route to Hooker's 
rear by the Furnace and Brock roads, as stated by Colonel Mar- 
shall, and ; the fact that General Jackson did follow the route 
indicated by General Lee is fully established not only by Hotch- 
kiss' map, published in 1867, but by official maps, and by Gen- 
eral Lee's official report. 

I have, I think, shown that the evidence is all against Hotcli- 
kiss' account of how the movement of Jackson around Hooker 
originated, and that Dr. Dabney's claim that General Jackson 
"proposed," the movement rests on the meaning of the word 
"undertook," as used by General Lee in his letter to Mrs. Jack- 
son, while General Lee has himself stated in no uncertain lan- 

First. That he and he alone was responsible for the opera- 
tions of the Confederates. 

Second. That when he overtook General Jackson on the 
evening of May 1st, he decided against an attack in front, and 
stated to him that "we must attack on our left as soon as possi- 

Third. That it was resolved that night to turn Hooker's 
right flank and gain his rear. 

Fourth. That the execution of this plan was entrusted to 
General Jackson, who undertook to throw his command in 
Hooker's rear. 

Fifth. That early on the morning of May 2nd. General 
Jackson marched bv the Furnace and Brock roads. 

24 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Sixth. That the movement by which the enemy's position 
was turned and the fortunes of the day decided, was conducted 
by General Jackson. 

The strategy at Chancellorsville was General Lee's, and 
nowhere does he even intimate that General Jackson was en- 
titled to the credit of originating- it ; but he was most careful 
and particular in according to General Jackson credit, for the 
tactical skill displayed by him in the execution of the plan of 

( ieneral Lee never shirked responsibility, even when his 
orders were not properly carried out, and always accorded to 
his subordinates full measure of recognition for what they con- 
tributed to his success. Where criticism was due, it can be 
discovered in his reports, if at all, only by his failure to com- 
mend : but he could not by silence assume to himself credit 
that properly belonged to another. 

( ieneral Lee says in his letter to Dr. Bledsoe, that the 
movement of Jackson's Corps (as a part of the Army of North- 
ern Virginia), or his command (when detached), could not 
have been independent of the general plan of operations, for 
every movement of an army must be well considered and pro- 
perly ordered, and Jackson was too good a soldier to violate 
tli is fundamental military principle. 

Even when General Jackson was operating in the Valley of 
Virginia, in 1862, the movements of his command were a part of 
the general plan of operations, under the direction and control 
of General Lee as commanding general, as may be easily seen 
from the official correspondence between Lee and Jackson at 
that time. Colonel Taylor calls attention to this correspondence, 
and gives one of General Lee's letters in April, 1862, of which 
lie retained the original draft ; but it was not until Colonel Hen- 
derson published his book in 1897, that the inspiration of Jack- 
son's \ alley campaign was made clear as a part of Lee's gen- 
eral plan of operations in the State of Virginia, based not only 
upon conditions as they existed in the Valley of Virginia, but 
on the general situation and movements of the enemy against 
Richmond via the Peninsula and Fredericksburg. 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellor sville. 25 

Very soon after General Lee assumed the duties of Com- 
mander-in-Chief, in April, 1862, he wrote to General Jackson: 

"I have no doubt that an attempt will be made to occupy 
Fredericksburg, and use it as a base of operations against Rich- 
mond. Our present force there, is very weak, and cannot be re- 
inforced, except by weakening other corps. If you can use Gen- 
eral Ewell's division in an attack on Banks, it will prove a great 
relief to the pressure on Fredericksburg." 

A few days later, when the enemy was collecting a strong- 
force at Fredericksburg, General Lee so informed General 
Jackson, and further said : 

"For this purpose they must weaken other points, and now 
is the time to concentrate on any point that may be exposed 
within our reach. * * *. 

"The blow, whenever struck, must, to be successful, be 
sudden and heavy. The troops must be efficient and light. I 
cannot pretend at this distance to direct operations depending 
on circumstances unknown to me, and requiring the exercise 
of discretion and judgment as to time and execution, but sub- 
mit these ideas for your consideration." 

In commenting on the defects in the Federal strategy of ex- 
terior lines, in the spring of 1862, Colonel Henderson says: 

"On April 29th, Johnston proposed to Mr. Davis that his 
army should be withdrawn from the Peninsula, and that the 
North should be invaded by way of the Valley. Lee, in th<? 
name of the President, replied that some such scheme had been 
for some time under consideration ; and the burden of his let- 
ters, as we have seen, both to Ewell and Jackson, was that a 
sudden and heavy blow should be struck at some exposed por- 
tion of the invading armies. * * *. 

"It was indeed unfortunate for the North that at this junc- 
ture the military affairs of the Confederacy should have been 
placed in the hands of the clearest-sighted soldier in America. 
It was an unequal match. Lincoln and Stanton against Lee : and 
the stroke that was to prove the weakness of the Federal stra- 
tegy was soon to fall." 

26 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

General Jackson well understood and fully appreciated what 
he was expected to do if an opportunity offered, but also that 
lie must refrain from doing anything that might interfere with 
the general plan of operations. A conspicuous instance of this 
is related by Colonel Henderson, who says, with reference to 
Jackson's plans for attacking the I 7 ederals under Banks: 

"But, although authorized to draw Ewell to himself and 
carry out the project on which his heart was set, he still kept 
in view the general situation. After he had dispatched the 
above letter ( to General Lee with reference to an attack on Banks), 
a report came in which led him to believe that Ewell was more 
needed on the Rappahannock than in the \ alley. Lee had already 
informed him that McDowell's advanced guard had occupied 
Falmouth., on the north bank of the river, opposite Fredericks- 
burg, on April 19th, and that General Field had fallen back. 

"Jackson, in consequence, permitted Ewell to remain near 
Gordonsville, close to the railway ; assuring Lee that 'he would 
make arrangements so as not to be disappointed should Ewell be.' 

"The various authors of the Life of Jackson," to whom Gen- 
eral Lee refers, did not have Colonel Henderson's trained mili- 
tary perceptions to enable them to appreciate the relative posi- 
tions of Lee and Jackson, and how impossible it was for the lat- 
ter to take the initiative and act independently of the commanding- 
general , but it was surely great lack of discernment when Dr. 
Dabney said, in his account of the conference before Chancellors- 
ville that General Lee had already commanded his troops to 
commence a movement towards his left; meaning the divisions of 
Anderson and McLaws ; as if Lee and Jackson had separate com- 
mands insead of Jackson's Corps being a part of the army com- 
manded by General Lee. 

The reasons why the claim that General Jackson originated 
the movement of his Corps around J looker cannot be admitted, 
may be stated as follows: 

First. The probabilities are all against Jackson's having 
proposed a movement, the success of which would greatly en- 
hance his reputation for vigor, determination and tactical skill. 
while in case of failure all the responsibility for the disaster 
would fall upon General Lee. 

General Lee's Strategy at Chancellorsville. 27 

Second. The witnesses for and against the claim that Jack- 
son originated the movement around Hooker are in direct con- 
flict, and the testimony of the witnesses who claim the credit for 
General Jackson, is at variance with facts officially recorded at 
the time. 

Third. What General Lee has said precludes the possibil- 
ity of Jackson's having proposed the movement; for when in 
1866 and again in 1867 the opportunity was afforded him to con- 
firm the claim made by Dr. Dabney that General Jackson "pro- 
posed" the movement around Hooker at Chancellorsville, while 
he stated all that Jackson had done, he made no admission that 
the proposition to do what was undertaken and accomplished was 
originated by anyone but himself. 

This large map, which I have used to show the position of the 
contending forces and the route of the 2nd Corps, is a copy of 
one published by Dr. Dabney in 1866, with his account of the Bat- 
tle of Chancellorsville, and is additional evidence that Jackson's 
line of march was by the well known Furnace and Brock Roads, 
as indicated by General Lee, and not by a newly discovered road, 
as claimed by Hotchkiss. 

Giving full consideration to the above evidence. I can see 
no reason to doubt that my above quoted personal recollec- 
tions of the interview between Lee and Jackson on the night 
of May 1st, 1863, in the presence of Captain Boswell and myself, 
as given in writing to General A. L. Long, is a correct state- 
ment of what occurred. 

28 Sou/ /tern Historical Society Papers. 



An Address, Read Before Stonewall Camp, Confederate Veterans, 
Portsmouth, Virginia, February 2d, 1904. 

[The estimation in which Judge Crocker is held is evinced in 
the brief item which appeared a day or so since : "Judge James F. 
Crocker will convene the Court of Hustings for Norfolk, Va., in 
January, (1907) and with it will end his career on the bench — a 
career that has been attended with much credit to himseif, and of 
great benefit to the public. He has served six years, and was not 
a candidate for re-election." Two admirable addresses by Judge 
Crocker, "My Personal Experiences in Taking up Arms and in 
the Battle of Malvern Hill," and "Gettysburg— Pickett's Charge," 
are included in Vol. XXXII, Southern Historical Society Papers. 

In the charge of Pickett's Division at the battle of Gettys- 
burg I was wounded and taken prisoner. With some others I 
was taken to the Twelfth Corps Hospital, situated in the rear 
of the left battle line of the Federals. I was here treated with 
much kindness and consideration. Among - other officers who 
showed me kindness was Col. Dwight. of New York. Profes- 
sor Stoever. of Pennsylvania College, at which I graduated in 
1850. on a visit to the Hospital met me, accidently, and we had 
a talk of the old college days. 

I wore in the battle a suit of gray pants and jacket. They 
were a little shabby. After I had been at the hospital a few days 
it occurred to me that I ought to make an effort to get a new out- 
fit so as to make a more decent appearance. The ways and means 
were at command. \ wrote to an old friend and former client, 
then living in I Baltimore, for a loan. A few days afterwards two 
Sisters of Charity came into the hospital and inquired for me. 
They met me with gracious sympathy and kindness. One of them 
took' me aside, and. unobserved, placed in my hand a package 
of money, saying it was from a friend, and requested no name 

• Prison Reminiscert. ses. 29 

be mentioned. They declined to give me any information. I 
never knew who they were. There was a mystery about them. 
They could not have come for my sake alone. But this I know, 
they were angels of mercy. 

I made known to the authorities my wish to go to Gettysburg, 
and while there to avail myself of the opportunity of getting a 
new suit. The authorities of the hospital, through Col. Dwight, 
conferred on me a great honor — the honor of personal confidence 
— absolute confidence. They gave me a free pass to Gettys- 
burg, with the sole condition that I present it at the Provost 
office there and have it countersigned. I went alone, unat- 
tended. The fields and woods were open to me. They some- 
how knew— I know not how — that I could be trusted; that 
my honor was more to me than my life. 

On my way to town I called by the Eleventh Corps Hospital, 
to which General Armistead had been taken, to see him. I 
found that he had died. They showed me his freshly made 
grave. To my inquiries they gave me full information. They 
told me that his wound was in the leg ; that it ought not to 
have proved mortal ; that his proud spirit chafed under his im- 
prisonment and his restlessness aggravated his wound. Brave 
Armistead! The bravest of all that field of brave heroes! If 
there be in human hearts a lyre, in human minds a flame divine, 
that awakens and kindles at the heroic deeds of man, then his 
name will be borne in song and story to distant times. 

I had my pass countersigned at the Provost office. It gave 
me the freedom of the city. There were many Federal officers 
and soldiers in the city. It was a queer, incongruous sight to 
see a rebel lieutenant in gray mingling in the crowd, and ap- 
parently at home. They could see, however, many of the prin- 
cipal citizens of the town cordially accosting, and warmly shak- 
ing by the hand, that rebel. I met so many old friends that I 
soon felt at home. As I was walking along the main street, a 
prominent physician, Dr. Horner, stopped me and renewed the 
old acquaintanceship. He pointed to a lady standing in a door 
not far away, and asked me who it was. I gave the name of 
Miss Kate Arnold, a leading belle of the college days. He said, 
"She is my wife and she wants to see you." There was a mu- 
tually cordial meeting. While standing in a group of old 

30 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

friends I felt a gentle tap on my shoulder from behind. It was 
my dear old professor of mathematics, Jacobs. He whispered 
to me in his kindest, gentlest way not to talk about the war. I 
deeply appreciated his kindness and solicitude. But I had not 
been talking about the war. The war was forgotten as I talked 
of the olden days. 

( )n another street a gentleman approached me and made him- 
self known. It was Rev. David Swope, a native of Gettysburg, 
who was of the next class below mine. He manifested gen- 
uine pleasure in meeting me. He told me he was living in 
Kentucky when the war broke out. He recalled a little inci- 
dent of the college days. He asked me if I remembered in pass- 
ing a certain house I said to a little red-headed girl with abund- 
ant red curls, standing in front of her house, "111 give you a 
levy for one of those curls." I told him that I remembered it 
as if it were yesterday. He said that little girl was now his 
wife ; and that she would be delighted to see me. He took me 
to a temporary hospital where there were a large number of 
our wounded. He had taken charge of the hospital, and mani- 
fested great interest in them and showed them every tender care 
and kindness. I fancied that those Kentucky days had added 
something to the sympathy of his kind, generous nature towards 
our wounded; and when I took leave of him, I am sure fie 
warm grasp of my hand told him, better than my words, of 
the -grateful feelings in my heart. 

1 must ask indulgence to mention another incident. 3 met 
on the college campus a son of Prof. Haugher. who was Hhu 
president of the college, and who was president when 1 gradu- 
ated. The son gave me such a cordial invitation to dine with 
him and his father that I accepted it. They were all verv court- 
eous; but I fancied I detected a reserved dignity in old !.)r. 
I.augher. It was very natural for him to be so, and I appre- 
ciated it. The old Doctor, while kindhearted, was of a very 
positive and radical character, which he evinced on all si b- 
jects. Me was thoroughly conscientious, and was of the stuff 
of which martyrs are made, lie was thoroughly orthodox in 
his Lutheran faith; and in politics, without ever hearing a word 
from him, I venture to say he was in sympathy with, I will not 
say, Thaddeus Stevens, but with (iarrison and Phillips. My 

Prison Reminiscenses. 31 

knowledge of him left me no need to be told that his views and 
feeling's involved in the war were intense. And there he 
was, breaking bread with a red handed rebel in his gray uni- 
form, giving aid and comfort to the enemy. Was he not put 
to it to keep mastery of himself? 

Happy for man that he is double sighted ; that there is 
within him a quality allied to conscience, — call it charity — that 
enables him to choose on which side to look. The venerable 
Doctor saw before him only his old student, recalled only the 
old days, and their dear memories. If there was anything be- 
tween his heart and his country's laws, there was nothing be- 
tween his heart and his Saviour's sweet charity. 

And here I must relate an incident of those old days not 
wholly irrelevant and inopportune. I graduated in 1850. I 
had the honor to be the valedictorian of my class. In prepar- 
ing my address I took notice of the great excitement then pre- 
vailing on account of the discussion in Congress of the bill to 
admit California as a State into the Union. Great sectional 
feeling was aroused through this long protracted discussion in 
the Senate. One senator dared use the word "disunion" with 
a threat. The very word sent a thrill of horror over the land. 
I recall my own feeling of horror. In my address to my class- 
mates I alluded to this sectional feeling, deprecating it, and ex- 
claimed, ''Who knowns, unless patriotism should triumph over 
sectional feeling but what we, classmates, might in some future 
day meet in hostile battle array." 

Dr. Baugher, as president of the college, had revision of our 
graduating speeches, and he struck this part out of my address. 
But alas ! it was a prophetic conjecture ; and members of out- 
class met in after years, not only in battle array, but on the 
fields over which, in teaching botany, Prof. Jacobs had led us 
in our study of the wild flowers that adorned those fields. 

Many other incidents occurred on this day deeply interest- 
ing to me, but they might not interest others. I returned to the 
hospital, but not before leaving my measure and order with a 
tailor for a suit of gray, which was subsequently delivered to me. 

It was a queer episode — a peace episode in the midst of war. 
This experience of mine taught me that the hates and prejudices 
engendered by the war were national, not individual : that indi- 

32 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

vidual relations and feelings were but little affected in reality ; 
and that personal contact was sufficient to restore kindliness and 

A short while afterwards I was taken from the Twelfth Corps 
] lospital to David's Island, which is in Long* Island Sound, near 
and opposite to New Rochelle, in Xew York. A long- train from 
Gettysburg took a large number of Confederate wounded, not 
only from the Twelfth Corps Hospital but from other hospitals, 
to Elizabethport, and from there the wounded were taken by boat 
to David's Island. We were taken by way of Elizabethport in- 
stead of by way of Jersey City, on account of a recent riot in 
New York City. All along, at every station at which the train 
stopped, it seemed to me, our wounded received kind attentions 
from leading ladies, such as Mrs. Broadhead and others. These 
ladies brought them delicacies in abundance ; and at Elizabeth- 
port these attentions became so conspicuous that Federal officers 
complained of the neglect of the Union wounded on the train, and 
forced the Southern sympathizers, as they called them, to 
distribute their delicacies between the wounded of both sides. 
When we arrived at David's Island, we found there a first- 
class hospital in every respect. It was called "De Camp Gen- 
eral Hospital." It consisted of a number of long pavilions, and 
other buildings delightfully and comfortably arranged, and fur- 
nished with every appliance needed to relieve the wounded and 
sick. It had been previously occupied by the Federal sick and 
wounded. It was quite a relief for us to get there. After our 
arrival, with those already there, three thousand Southern 
wounded soldiers occupied these pavilions. Only a few of these 
were officers. Most of the wounded were in a very pitiable 
condition. The New York Daily Tribune, of Wednesday. July 
29, 1863. had this to say of them: 


"The sick and wounded Rebels were handled with the same 
care and tenderness that is bestowed upon our own invalid sol- 
diers. Those who could not walk were gently carried on stretch- 
ers, and those who were able to stand upon their feet were led 
carefully from the boat to the hospital pavilions. They were in 

Prison Reminiscenses. 33 

a wretched condition — dirty, ragged, and covered with vermin — 
their soiled and torn uniforms, if such they may be called, were 
stained and soaked with blood ; and their wounds, which had not 
been dressed from the time of the battles at Gettysburg until 
their arrival here, were absolutely alive with maggots. Many 
of them had suffered amputation — some had bullets in their per- 
sons — at least a score have died who were at the point of death 
when the boat touched the wharf. 

"On their arrival here they were dressed in the dirty gray 
coats and pants, so common in the Southern army. Shake- 
speare's army of beggars must have been better clad than were 
the Confederate prisoners. One of the first acts of Dr. Sim- 
mons, the surgeon in charge, was to order the prisoners to 
throw aside their 'ragged regimentals,' wash their persons thor- 
oughly and robe themselves in clean and comfortable hospital 
clothing, which consists of cotton shirts and drawers, dressing 
gown of gray flannel, and blue coat and trousers of substantial 

"Their old rags were collected in a heap and burned, not- 
withstanding the great sacrifice of life involved. We looked 
about the island in vain to find a butternut colored jacket, or 
Rebel uniform. The 3,000 prisoners did not bring with them 
enough clean linen to make a white flag of peace had they been 
disposed to show any such sign of conciliation." 

Who were these dirty, ragged soldiers, whose soiled and torn 
uniforms, if such they could be called, were stained and soaked 
with blood? The world knows them as the gallant followers 
of Lee, whose triumphant valor on every field, and against all 
odds, had filled the world with wonder and admiration, — who 
suffered their first defeat at Gettysburg — suffered from no want 
of courage on their part as Pickett's charge shows, but solely 
from want of prompt obedience to Lee's orders. The three 
thousand wounded Confederate soldiers, in these pavilions, were 
the very flower of the South — the sons and product of its best 
blood ; inheritors of a chivalric race, the bone and sinew of the 
land, bright, intelligent, open-faced and open-hearted men; in- 
cluding in their ranks many a professional man — many a col- 
lege student — readers of Homer and Plato — readers of Virgil 
and Cicero. There were among these ragged-jacket wearers 

34 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

men who, around the camp fires, could discuss and quote the 
philosophy and eloquence of the Greek and the Roman. These 
were the men who bore with cheerfulness, and without com- 
plaint, the conditions described ; who asked only that by their 
service and suffering their country might be saved. 

Yes, it was of these men, in these pavilions, that the assistant 
surgeon of the hospital, Dr. James E. Steele, a Canadian by 
birth, said to me : "Adjutant, your men are so different from 
those who formerly occupied these pavilions ; when I go among 
your men they inspire in me a feeling of companionship." 

In the same article of the Tribune there is something personal 
to myself. I will lay aside all false modesty, and quote it here 
for preservation for those who take an interest in me. 


"In pavilion No. 3 we saw severed Confederate officers, with 
one or two exceptions, they were abed, the nature of their wounds 
rendering it painful for them to sit up. One of these officers, 
however was sitting at a table writing a letter. He was very 
civil and communicative. He was a native of Virginia, a gradu- 
ate of Pennsylvania College at Gettysburg, where he was 
wounded — a lawyer by profession, and really a man of superior 
talents and culture. He has brown hair and a broad high fore- 
head. He is apparently 35 years of age. He said it was im- 
possible for the North to subdue the South. The enemy might 
waste their fields, burn their dwellings, level their cities with 
the dust, but nothing short of utter extermination would give 
the controlling power to the North. The intelligent people of the 
South looked upon the efforts to regain their rights as sacred, 
and they were willing to exhaust their property and sacrifice 
their lives, and the lives of their wives and children, in defend- 
ing what they conceived to be their constitutional rights. They 
would consent to no terms save those of separation, and would 
make no conditions in relation to the question of slavery. They 
would suffer any calamity rather than come back to the Union 
as it was. They would be willing to form any alliance with any 
country in order to accomplish the fact of separation. 'Such are 
my sentiments,' said the Adjutant. T will take the liberty of 

Prison Reminiscenses. 35 

asking my comrades if they endorse what I have said. Captain 
J. S. Reid, of Georgia, Adjutant F. J. Haywood, of North Caro- 
lina, Captain L. W. McLaughlin, of Louisiana, Lieut. T. H. 
White, of Tennessee, L. B. Griggs, of Georgia, Lieut. M. R. 
Sharp, of South Carolina, Lieut. S. G. Martin, of Virginia, all 
responded favorably as to the opinions presented by their 
spokesman. Mr. Merwin asked the Adjutant what he thought 
of the fall of Vicksburg, Port Hudson, Jackson, and the defeat 
in Pennsylvania. ' We have seen darker days,' replied the Ad- 
jutant; 'when we lost New Orleans, Fort Donelson, and Island 
No. 10. We shall now put forth extra efforts, and call out all 
the men competent to bear arms.' This officer undoubtedly re- 
presents the views of some of the leading men in the Confed- 
erate Army, but there is a diversity of opinion here among offi- 
cers and men. If they seem to acquiesce in the opinion of such 
men as Adjutant Crocker, who appears to be deeply in earnest, 
and who looks and speaks like a brave and honest man, they do 
not generally respond to his views and sentiments. He says the 
North is fighting for the purpose of abolishing slavery, and that 
appears to be the prevailing opinion among the prisoners in his 

pavilion." 1192366 

The Tribune with this article came, when it was published, 
into the hands of a friend who wrote: "I saw and read with a 
thrill of pride that piece in the N. Y. Tribune that spoke of 
you, I felt proud indeed to know that one of whom an enemy 
could speak in such terms was a friend of mine. I shall pre- 
serve it to read with increased pleasure in the future." The 
hand that preserved it, in after years, placed it in my Scrap- 
Book where now it is. 

There came to David's Island a group of ladies as devoted. 
as self-sacrificing, and as patriotic as ever attended the wounded 
in the hospitals of Virginia. They gave up their homes and es- 
tablished themselves in the kitchens attached to the pavilions. 
With loving hands and tender sympathy they prepared for our 
«ck every delicacy and refreshment that money and labor could 
sitprly. It was to them truly a service of love and joy. These 
were Southern-born women living in New York City and Brook- 

From their pent-up homes, and their close hostile environ- 

36 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ment, within which there was no liberty to voice and no oppor- 
tunity to show their deep passion of patriotism, they watched' the 
fortunes of the beloved Confederacy with an interest as keen, and 
an anxiety as intense, as was ever felt by their mothers and sis- 
ters in the Southland. Imagination itself almost fails to depict 
the avidity and joy with which they availed themselves of this 
opportunity to mingle with, and to serve our wounded and to 
give vent to their long suppressed feelings and sympathy. It 
was my great pleasure personally to know some of these. There 
were Mrs. Mary A. Butler, widow of Dr. Bracken Butler, of 
Smithfield, Virginia ; and her sister, Miss Anna Benton, daugh- 
ters of Col. Benton, formerly of Suffolk, but who many years 
before the war, removed to New York. There were also Miss 
Kate Henop and Miss Caroline Granbury, both formerly well 
known in Norfolk; Mrs. Algernon Sullivan, Winchester, Va., 
the wife of the distinguished lawyer of New York, and Mrs. 
Susan Lees, of Kentucky, who after the war adopted the chil- 
dren of the gallant cavalryman, Col. Thomas Marshall, who 
was killed in battle. There were others whose names have es- 
caped me. If there ever be erected a monument to the women 
of the South, the names of these patriotic women of whom I 
have been speaking, should be inscribed on its shaft. 

A Virginian, then living in Brooklyn, whose peculiar cir- 
cumstances prevented his returning to his native State, Dr. 
James Madison Minor, made me frequent visits for the happi- 
ness of giving expression to his feelings. He said it was an in- 
expressible relief. His little daughter, wishing to do some tiling 
for a Confederate soldier, out of the savings from her monthly 
allowances, bought and gave me a memorial cup which I still 

Mrs. James Gordon Bennett came to the Island with a co- 
terie of distinguished friends, among whom was General Di\. 
She brought a quantity of fine wines for our wounded. She 
with her friends came to my pavilion, and asked for me. The 
surgeon in charge, Dr. James Simmons, had referred her to me. 
When I presented myself, she said: "Adjutant Crocker, I wish 
to do something for your men. I do not mean mere words/' 
With some pride of independence, I replied, "There is nothing 
I can ask for my comrades ; " and then I quickly said: "Yes, Mrs. 

Prison jReminiscenses. 37 

Bennett, there is one request I wish to make of you for them, 
and I feel that you, as a woman of influence, can do something 
tor us." She shrugged her shoulders in the polite French style, 
and said she was but a woman, with only a woman's influence. 
I made a complimentary reply and said to her: "Mrs. Bennett, 
my companions here had their clothing battle-torn and blood- 
stained. They are now in need of outer clothing. They have 
friends in New York City who are willing and ready to furnish 
them; but there is an order here forbidding our soldiers from 
receiving outer clothing. Now, my request is that you have this 
order withdrawn, or modified, so as to permit our men to receive 
outer clothing." She promptly replied that she would use all her 
influence to accomplish the request, — that she expected to have 
Mrs. Lincoln to visit Fort Washington (her home) next week, 
and she would get her to use her influence with the President to 
revoke the order. The New York Herald of the next day, and 
for successive days, had an editorial paragraph calling public 
attention to the order, telling of the exposure of the wounded and 
sick prisoners to the chilling morning and evening winds of the 
Sound, and insisting, for humanity's sake, that the order should 
be revoked. Afterwards I received from Mrs. Bennett the fol- 
lowing note : 

Fort Washington, Sept. 14th, 1863. 

Yesterday Mrs. Lincoln visited me at Fort Washington. I 
embraced the opportunity to ask her to use her influence in re- 
gard to the request you made me. She assured me she will attend 
to it immediately on her return to Washington. For all your 
sakes I sincerely hope she may succeed. I have done all in my 
power. I can do no more. Hoping that your prison hours may 
pass lightly over, 

I remain with best wishes for yourself and brother officers, 

Yours truly, 

FI. A. Bennett. 
To Adjutant Crocker." 

Mrs. Bennett conversed freely with me about her husband. 
She said he was always a sincere friend of the South ; that when, 
upon the firing upon Fort Sumter, the wild furor swept the 

38 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

City of New York and demanded that the American flag should 
be displayed on every building, Mr. Bennett refused to hoist the 
flag on the Herald Building, and resisted doing so until he saw 
the absolute necessity of doing it. She said he wept over the 
condition of things. She spoke also of her son James. She said 
that when Vicksburg fell "Jimmy came to me with tears in his 
eyes, saying, 'Mother, what do you think? Vicksburg has fallen. 
Brave fellows— brave fellows \" I replied that it was the tribute 
which brave men ever pay to the brave. 

Dr. James Simmons, the surgeon in charge of the Hospital. 
was a native of South Carolina. Somehow he took a great 
fancy to me, and gave me a warm friendship. He took me into 
his confidence and talked freely with me about his surround- 
ings, and how he came to remain in the Federal service. He mar- 
ried Miss Gittings, the daughter of the well known banker of 
Baltimore. He became a citizen of Maryland, and while wait- 
ing for his State to secede, he became involved in the Federal 
service, and found that he could not well leave ; and he concluded 
that as a non-combatant he would probably have opportunities of 
serving our captured and wounded soldiers. He himself was 
not beyond suspicion ; for I remember his saying to me in his 
office, with a motion, referring to the writers in his office, "these 
are spies on me." The Federal authorities, I believe, had in 
the war more or less suspicion about the Southern officers in the 
army,— that they did not fully trust them until like General Hun- 
ter, they showed cruelty to their own people. Real traitors are 
always cruel. Benedict Arnold on the border of the James, and 
on our own waters here was more cruel with the firebrand and 
sword than even Tarleton was. Let it ever be thus. Let in- 
famous traits be ever allied to infamous treachery. I occasionally 
met Mrs. Simmons, who, I believe, spent most of her time at New 
Rochelle. Her warm grasp of the hand told more plainly than 
words that the sympathies of her heart were deeply with us. I 
made a request of Dr. Simmons. His kind heart could not re- 
fuse it. I told him I wanted a Confederate uniform, --that I 
had a friend in New York City from whom I could get it— that 
I knew it was against orders for him to grant my request. He 
answered: "Have it sent to my wife at New Rochelle." I had 

Prison Reminiscenses. 39 

my measure taken and sent to New York. Soon I received a 
full lieutenant's uniform in Confederate gray of excellent quality, 
which I, afterwards, on returning home at the end of the war, 
wore for a while for lack of means for getting a civilian's suit. 
While at Johnson's Island to which prison I was taken 
after leaving David's Island, and when the exchange of prison- 
ers had been suspended, I made special effort to obtain an ex- 
change. For this purpose, I wrote to my brother, Rev. Wm. A. 
Crocker, the Superintendent of the Army Intelligence Office 
at Richmond, and got him to see Judge Ould, the Commissioner 
of Exchange on my behalf. I at the same time wrote to Dr. 
James Simmons to aid me in getting exchanged. I received 
from Dr. Simmons the following letter and enclosure : 

"Medical Directors' Office, 

Department of the East, 

New York, Feby. 13th, 1864. 
Dear Sir : 

Your letter of the nth Jany. did not reach me until a few 
days since. I have written to Colonel Hoffman in your behalf 
and sincerely hope that he may grant your request. I am but 
slightly acquainted with Col. Hoffman, and can only hope that 
the justice of the case may cause him to grant your request. If 
I can be of any service to you pray command me. I send a 
copy of my letter to Colonel Hoffman, and regret I did not re- 
ceive your letter sooner. Be kind enough to remember me to 
Captain Butler, Kincaid and others. 

Very truly yours, 

J. Simmons. 
Capt. J. F. Crocker, 
Prisoner of War, 

Johnson's Island." 

"New York. Feby. 13M, 1864. 
Colonel : 

I enclose you a letter from Captain J. F. Crocker, prisoner 
of war now at Johnson's Island. The letter which reached me 
only a few days since was directed to David's Island, Captain 
Cracker supposing I was in charge of that hospital. If any- 
thing can be done for him not inconsistent with the regulations 

40 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of your department. I am sure you would be conferring a favor 
upon a gentleman and a man of honor and refinement. The 
orderly behavior of the prisoners while at David's Island was 
in a great measure due to the influence of this gentleman. 
I am, Colonel, 

Your obedient servant. 

J. Simmons, Surg, of &c. 
Colonel Hoffman, 

Comr. Genl. of Pris., 
Washington, D. C." 

With other officers I left David's Island for Johnson's 
Island on the 18th of September. 1863. While on the steamer 
going to New York City, Dr. James E. Steele, the assistant sur- 
geon of the Island, before mentioned, came to me and asked me 
if I had an Autograph Book. He said a lady wished to see it. 
1 gave it to him. He soon returned it, cautioning me about 
opening it. When he left me I opened it. Two names had been 
written in it, J. M. Carnochan, M. D.. and Estelle Morris Carno- 
chan, and within the leaves there was a ten dollar note. I took 
it as a token of good feeling towards me, and as a compliment 
delicately made. Dr. Carnochan was a native of South Caro- 
lina. He then lived in New York City, and was by far the most 
eminent surgeon of that city. He frequently came down to 
David's Island- to perform difficult operations on our wounded. 
I lis wife, as I understood it at the time, was the daughter of 
(General Morris, of Maryland, and her mother was the daughter 
of the famous founder and editor of the Richmond Enquirer, 
1 nomas Ritchie. 

In passing from New York City through the great States 
of New York and Ohio to Sandusky, one tiling deeply impressed 
me — the great number of men in civilian's clothes of the military 
age, who gathered at the railroad stations. I said to myself. 
"War in the North is fully organized — with such resources of 
men and war material, it is prepared to conduct the war for an 
indefinite time, and that it was with the North only a question 
of finances and of public opinion." It renewed my grief at our 
defeat at Gettysburg, That was the pivotal point of the war. 
A great victory there would have achieved peace, and would 

Prison Reminiscenses. 41 

have enabled the South, instead of the North, to determine the 
terms of reunion and reconstruction. Had it not been for the 
delinquency of some of our generals. Lee ? s Army would have 
won a complete and decisive victory on the first and second days 
of that battle, as I have explained in my address on ''Gettysburg- 
— Pickett's Charge." 

We arrived at Johnson's Island about the 19th of Septem- 
ber, 1863. The following officers of my regiment, the 9th Va. 
Infantry, had already reached there: Maj. Wm. James Richard- 
son, Captains Henry A. Allen, Jules O. B. Crocker, and Harry 
Gwynn ; Lieutenants John H. Lewis, John Vermillion, Samuel 
W. Weaver, John M. Hack, Henry C.Britton, M. L. Clay, Ed- 
ward Varnier and Henry Wilkinson. I was assigned to a bunk 
in Block 12. This building consisted of large rooms with tiers 
of bunks on the sides. Subsequently I with four others occu- 
pied room 5, Block 2. My room-mates and messmates were, 
Captains John S. Reid, of Eatonton, Ga., and R. H. Isbell, of 
Tuscaloosa, Ala., and Lieutenants James W. Lapsley, of Selma, 
Ala., and John Taylor, of Columbia, S. C. 

The first incident of personal interest to me after my ar- 
rival in this prison occurred thus : I met on the campus Colonel 
E. A. Scovill, the Superintendent of the prison. I said to him: 
"Colonel, you have an order here that no one is allowed to write 
at one time more than on one side of a half sheet of letter paper. 
I have a dear, fair friend at my home in Portsmouth, Va., and 
I find it impossible for me to express one tithe of what I wish to 
say within the limits prescribed." He replied : "Write as much 
as you wish, hand me your letters to your friend, and tell her to 
answer to my care." That kind act of Col. Scovill made him 
my personal friend, and he afterwards did me other important 
kindnesses. I believe that the surest way to become a friend to 
another, is to do that other person a kindness. A kindness done 
has more effect upon the donor, than upon the recipient, in creat- 
ing mutual interest. This gracious favor of Col. Scovill was 
highly appreciated, and it added happiness to me and to my dear 

I brought my battle-wound with me, unhealed, to Johnson's 
Island. I had not been there long before gangrene appeared in 

42 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

it. It was a critical moment. My friend, Dr. Brodie Strauchan 
Herndon, of Fredericksburg, Ya., a prisoner, by immediate and 
severe remedy arrested the gangrene at once ; and soon 
afterwards made a permanent cure of the wound, and also re- 
stored my general health. The tardiness of my wound in heal- 
ing was caused bv the low condition of my health. On our wav 
to Pennsylvania, I sat on my horse in the mid-stream of the 
Shenandoah while my regiment, the 9th Ya., waded across. I 
did the same when it crossed the Potomac. When we reached 
Williamsport I went under the treatment of our surgeon. It 
was there, for the first time since I was twelve years old, a drop 
of intoxicating liquor passed my lips, save at the communion 

It was owing to the condition of my health that a slight 
injury on my lip, while at David's Island, caused by my biting 
it, although not malignant, refused to heal. Finally I was ad- 
vised by Dr. Flerndon to have it cut out. Fie said, however, that 
the operation could not be safely performed in the prison on ac- 
count of a tendency to gangrene. I obtained permission to go 
to Sandusky for the purpose. I was given a parole. I went 
to the leading hotel in the city. There I met — strange coinci- 
dence — with Mr. M'erritt Todd and his wife, both natives of my 
own county. Isle of Wight, Ya., friends of my father in their 
early days, with their granddaughter, Parker Cooke, then about 
fourteen vears of age. Their home before the war was in Nor- 
folk. Mr. Todd had established a large and lucrative business 
in curing hams in Cincinnati where he owned valuable real es- 
tate. To prevent the confiscation of his property he made Ohio 
the State of his residence during the war, and was at this time 
in Sandusky. Nothing under the circumstances could have 
added more to my happiness than thus to be thrown in intimate 
intercourse with these friends. 

1 reported to the Federal surgeons. They received me most 
courteously. They seated me in a chair for the operation. They 
asked me if 1 wished to take an anaesthetic. It instantly flashed 
in my mind to show these kind surgeons how a Confederate sol- 
dier could bear pain, and I answered No! I sat in the chair 
from the beginning to the end of the operation without a groan 
or a token of pain. Their work was done skillfully, effectively 

Prison Remlniscenses. 43 

and kindly. The trouble never returned. These officers were 
very polite and hospitable to me. In return for their hospitality 
I had one or more of them to dine with me at the hotel. Don't 
raise your hands in horror! Why should I have been less a 
gentleman than they? Once a gentleman,— always a gentleman 
—under all circumstances a gentleman. No true Southern sol- 
dier ever lost in war his good manners or his humanity. 

I again had the freedom of a Northern city. And although 
I walked the streets in Confederate gray, no one showed 
the slightest exception to it or showed me the least affront. But 
on the contrary, there was one citizen of the place, to the manor 
born, who visited me almost daily — and a very clever and strong 
man, too, he was. According to his account, he had been ostra- 
cized; his home had been surrounded and threatened by mobs; 
he had been hooted and maltreated on the streets. Why? He 
said because he was a Democrat and opposed to the war. He 
was a genuine "Copperhead,'' and either from intolerance or 
other cause, he was a warm sympathizer with the South. The 
opportunity to express his sympathy was a great relief and grati- 
fication to him. He never tired of talking about Lee and his 
battles and his successes. He had reached a state of mind when 
he was even glad to hear of the defeat of his country's armies and 
the success of ours. At the end of four weeks, I returned to 
the Island. 

When I first reached Johnson's Island I found that the ra- 
tions given to the prisoners, while plain, were good and abundant. 
Within the prison was a sutler's store from which the prisoners 
were allowed to buy without restraint. Boxes of provisions and 
clothing from friends were permitted. To show the liberality 
with which these were allowed, I received from my dear brother, 
Julius O. Thomas, of Four Square, Isle of Wight county, Vir- 
ginia, a box of tobacco which he had kindly sent as a gift to me, 
through the lines under the flag of true. It was as good to me 
as a bill of exchange, and I disposed of it for its money value. 
This condition continued until the issuing of orders, said to be 
in retaliation of treatment of Federal prisoners at Anderson - 
ville. These orders put the prisoners on half rations, excluded 
the sutler's store from the prison, and prohibited the receipt of all 
boxes of provisions — with a discretion to the surgeon in charge 

44 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

to allow boxes for sick prisoners. The result of these orders 
was that the prisoners were kept in a state of hunger — I will 
say in a state of sharp hunger — all the time. My messmates 
whom I have before mentioned, were as refined and as well bred 
as any gentlemen in the South; and they had been accustomed 
to wealth. We employed a person to cook our rations, and to 
place them on the table in our room. What then? Sit down 
and help ourselves? No. We could not trust ourselves to 
do that. We would divide up the food into five plates as 
equally as we could do it. Then one would turn his back 
to the table, and he would be asked: "Whose is this, and this," 
and so on. And when we had finished our meal, there was 
not left on our plates a trace of food, grease or crumb. Our 
plates would be as clean as if wiped with a cloth ; and we would 
arise from the table hungry — hungry still — ravenously hungry. 
We no longer disdained the fat, coarse pork — the fatter, the bet- 
ter. It was sustenance we craved. No longer did we crave des- 
serts and dainties. The cold, stale bread was sweeter to us than 
any cake or dainty we ever eat at our mother's table. W r e would 
at times become desperate for a full meal. Then by common con- 
sent we would eat up our whole day's rations at one meal. And 
then, alas, we would get up with hunger — hungry still. My 
God, it was terrible! Yet we kept in excellent health. I said 
it then, and I have said it hundreds of times since, that if I had 
an enemy whom I wished to punish exquisitely, I would give 
him enough food to keep him in health with a sharp appetite, 
but not enough to satisfy his appetite. I would keep him hun- 
gry, sharply, desperately hungry all the time. It was a cruel, 
bitter treatment, and that, too, by a hand into which Providence 
had poured to overflowing its most bounteous gifts. 

One practical lesson I learned from this experience : that a 
hungry man can eat any food, and eat it with a relish denied 
kings and princes at their luxurious boards. It has made me lose 
all patience with one who says he cannot eat this, and cannot eat 
that. Between such an one and starvation there is no food he 
cannot eat, and cat with the keenest enjoyment. 

Shall I leave out of my story a bright, happy page? No. 
On the 13th of January. 1865, there was sent by express to me 
at Johnson's Island, a box prepared and packed by the joint 

Prison Reminiscenses. 45 

hands of a number of my friends at home then within the lines 
of the enemy, full of* substantial and delicious things. The mail 
of the same day carried to Lt. Col. Scovill the following note: 

Portsmouth, Va., January 13^/7, 1865. 
Lt. Col. Scovill: 

Colonel : To-day by express I send a box of provisions for 
my friend. Adjutant J. F. Crocker. If there should be any diffi- 
culty in regard to his having the articles sent, will you do me 
the favor to use your influence with the surgeon in obtaining his 
permission for their delivery? If you will, I shall take it as 
a new kindness added to that one granted by you in the past, 
and shall not feel less grateful for this, than I did, and do still 
feel for that. 

Yours respectfully. 

This note was sent into me with the following endorsement : 

"J.any. 17 th, 1865. 

Adjt. : Make an application to Surgeon Woodbridge and 
enclose it to me. 

Tours. &c, 

A. E. Scovill, 
Lt. Col. & Supt." 

Application was made, and that box was sent in immediately 
to me. Yes, it was a new and added favor from this warm, 
generous-hearted officer and man; and I have ever since borne 
in my heart and memory a kind and grateful feeling towards 
him. My messmates and I had a royal feast. 

I cannot omit to notice the religious feeling that prevailed in 
the prison, and I cannot better do so than to copy here a letter 
written by me at the time. 

Johnson's Island, Sunday, July 10th, '64. 

This is the holy Sabbath, my dear friend. Can I better in- 
terest you than by giving you a religious view of our prison ? 
There are many things in prison life, if properly improved. 
that conduce to religious sentiments. A prisoner's unfortunate 

46 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

condition, of itself, imposes upon him much seriousness, and 
in his long unemployed hours reflection grows upon him. 
There is a pensive sorrow underlying all his thoughts, and 
his sensibilities are ever kept sensitive by the recollection of home, 
and the endearments of love from which he is now indefinitely 
excluded, while his patriotic anxieties are constantly and painful- 
ly alive to the wavering fortunes of his country. You will not 
therefore be surprised to learn that there is here a high moral 
tone and religious feeling. The present campaign was preceded 
by daily prayer meetings here, and for a long time afterwards 
kept up. And it would have done your heart good to have heard 
the earnest appeals that rose to the throne of the Great Ruler of 
Nations from every block. You can imagine the great burden of 
these earnest prayers. These prayer meetings are still of almost 
daily occurrence. We have here also our Bible Classes, and also 
our Christian Associations, that do a great deal of good. But 
above all we have our sermons on the Sabbath and other days. 
Among the officers here are a number of prisoners who are min- 
isters. It is one of our greatest privileges that these are allowed 
to preach to us unmolested, and with all freedom. I can scarce 
ever attend one of these services without having my eyes moisten- 
ed. There are two subjects that never grow trite, though never 
passed over without allusion in these services — our country and 
the loved ones at home. These ever elicit the hearty amen, and 
the tender tear. These touch the deepest and strongest chords of 
our hearts. Ah ! was country ever loved as it is by its far off im- 
prisoned soldiers ! Was home and its dear ones ever- loved as by 
him who sighs in imprisonment. The heart grows hallowed 
under these sacred, tender influences. Shut out from the beauti- 
ful green earth we learn to look up to the sky that is above us; 
and through its azure depths and along the heights of its calm 
stars, our thoughts like our vision, rise Heavenward. Many a 
one who entered these prison bounds with a heart thoughtless of 
his soul's high interests, has turned to his God; and now nearly 
on every Sabbath there is either some one baptized or added to 
some branch of the Church. It is a high gratification to make 
this record of my fellow comrades, and I know it will be a delight 

to you. 

Your devoted friend, 

Prison Reminiscenses. 47 

The death and burial of Lt. Henry Wilkinson, Company B, 
9th Va., deeply affected me ; and I cannot deny him a kind word 
of mention in these pages. He was the only one of my regiment 
who died in the prison. He was severely wounded at Gettys- 
burg, at the Bloody Angle. He was from Norfolk. He was 
a gallant, conscientious, patriotic soldier. He asked only once 
for a furlough. That came to him after we had started or were 
about to start on our Pennsylvania campaign. He declined it. 
It was to him as if he were taking a furlough in the presence of 
the enemy. There was something pathetic in the refusal. It 
was to give him opportunity to meet, and see, one whom he loved. 
He sacrificed to duty the heart's dearest longing. 

Well do I remember his burial. That open grave is even 
now clearly before me, as vividly as on that day. His comrades 
are standing around. There is a tender pathos in the voice of 
the holy man, a Confederate minister, who is conducting the 
solemn service. There are tears in the eyes of us all. The deep 
feeling was not from any words spoken but a silent welling up 
from our hearts. The inspiration felt in common was from 
the occasion itself — the lowering down the youthful form of this 
patriotic soldier into the cold bosom of that bleak far off island — 
so far away — so far from his home and kindred — so far away 
from the one that loved him best. Well do I remember as I stood 
there looking into that grave into which we had lowered him, 
there came to me feelings that overcame me. I seemed to iden- 
tify myself with him. I put myself in his place. Then there 
came to me as it were the tender wailing grief of all who loved me 
most — dear ones at home. Even now as I recall the scene, the 
feelings that then flowed, break out afresh and I am again in 



From his dim prison house by Lake Erie's bleak shore 

He is borne to his last resting place, 
The glance of affection and friendship no more 

Shall rest on the Captive's wan face. 
The terms of the Cartel his God had arranged 

And the victim of war has at length been "exchanged." 

48 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

His comrades consign his remains to the earth 

With a tear and a sigh of regret, 
From the land he could never forsret 

He died far away from the land of his birth 
'Mid the scenes of his boyhood his fancy last ranged 

Ere the sorrows of life and its cares were "exchange*" 

The clods of the Island now rest on his head 

That the fierce storms of battle had spared 
On the field that was strewn with the dying and dead 

Whose perils and dangers he shared. 
From home and from all that he loved long estranged 

Death pitied his fate and the Captive "exchanged. " 

(Copied in my Autograph Book when on the Island.) 

The United States government had suspended the exchange 
of prisoners so long that it had become a general belief of the 
prisoners that they would be kept in prison until the close of the 
war. The renewal of exchange came as a great joy to us all. 
It was not only personal freedom we craved, but w r e desired to 
renew again our service in our armies in behalf of our country. 
There had been several departures of prisoners, when, on- the 
morning of the 28th of February, 1865, I received notice to get 
ready to leave, and that I was to leave at once. In a few mo- 
ments I had packed up some of my belongings — as much as I 
could carry in a dress suit case, and joined my departing com- 
rades. We were taken by rail to Baltimore, and from thence 
by steamer down the Chesapeake Bay and up the James to Aiken's 
Landing, which place we reached* on the 3rd of March. There 
was no incident on the way worthy of note. I recall, however, 
the deep emotion with which I greeted once again the shores 
and waters of dear Virginia. It brought back to me the im- 
passioned cry of the men of Xenophon, "The Sea! The Sea!" 
I recall as we came up Hampton Roads how intently I gazed 
towards this dear home city of ours, and how, as we entered the 
mouth of the James. I seemed to embrace in fond devotion the 
familiar shores of my native county. Ah ! how we love our na- 
tive land— its soil, its rivers, its fields, its forests! This love is 
God-implanted, and is. or should be. the rock-basis of all civic 

Prison Reminlsccnses. 49 

At Aiken's Landing- we were transferred to our Confeder- 
ate steamer. "Once again under our own flag," I wrote on the 
Confederate steamer and sent it back by the Federal steamer to 
my home city to gladden the hearts of my friends there. 

We landed at Rocketts, Richmond. As we proceeded up 
on our way to General Headquarters, and had gone but a short 
distance, we saw a boy selling some small apples. We inquired 
the price. "One dollar apiece," was the answer. It was a 
blow — a staggering blow — to thus learn of the utter deprecia- 
tion of the Confederate currency. I may just as well say here 
that all the prisoners at Johnson's Island stoutly maintained their 
confidence in the ultimate success of our cause. They never lost 
hope or faith. They never realized at all the despondency at 
home. The little boy with his apples told me that it was not 
so in Richmond. I at once seemed to feel the prevailing de- 
spondency in the very air, and as w r e made our way up the street 
I felt and realized that there was a pall hanging over the city. 

When I reached General Headquarters I found out that we 
were not exchanged, that we were prisoners still, paroled pris- 
oners. I was given a furlough. Here it is before me now : 

"Headquarters Department of Richmond, 

Richmond, Va v March 3d, 1865. 
In obedience to instructions from the Secretary of War 
the following named men (paroled prisoners) are granted fur- 
loughs for 30 days (unless sooner exchanged) at the expiration 
of which time they will, if exchanged, rejoin their respective com- 

Adjt. J. F. Crocker, 9th Va. Regt. 

By order of Lieut-General Ewell. 

J. W. Pegram, 

A. A. General." 

The next day I went to the "Pay Bureau O. M. Depart- 
ment." I was paid $600 in Confederate notes. I have before 
me the certificate that was given me. 

Richmond, Va., March 4th, 1865. 
I certify that I have this day paid First Lieut, and Adjt. 

00 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

J as. F. Crocker, 9th Va. Regiment, from 1 June to 30 Nov., 
1862, pay $600. 

Geo. A. Barksdale, 
Capt. & A. O. M." 

I took what was given me. I asked no questions. I made 
no complaint. I concluded that the market would not stand a 
much larger issue, or the boy would raise the price of his apples. 

1 informed the department that I wished to go to see my brother, 
Julius O. Thomas, in Isle of Wight county. I was given trans- 
portation tickets with coupons to go and return. I went by the 
Richmond and Danville Railroad to Danville, thence to Raleigh, 
thence to Weldon and thence to Hicksford. From Hicksford I was 
to make my way as well as I could. I reached without difficulty 
our ancestral home, Four Square, where my brother lived. I 
shall never forget the kind and loving welcome he and his dear 
wife gave me. It was indeed a true home-coming. The prison 
half-rations were forgotten. I remained about three weeks. I 
then started for Richmond to report to Headquarters to see if I 
had been exchanged or not. I took the train in Southampton 
county for Weldon and thence to Raleigh. When I reached 
Raleigh I heard that Richmond had fallen. When I reached 
Danville, I learned that Lee's retreat had been cut off from Dan- 
ville. I then determined to go across the country to see my 
brother, Rev. Win. A. Crocker, who was living the other side of 
Campbell Court House, and with whom was my dear mother. I 
took the stage to Pittsylvania Court House. When I reached 
there, I learned that Lee's army was operating in the direction of 
Appomattox. While waiting there a few days in uncertainty, 
a section of a battery was drawn up in the Court House square, 
abandoned and disbanded. While the men were unhitching the 
horses, I said to them that I had $100 in Confederate notes in 
my pocket which I would be glad to give for one of the horses. 
.V horse was at once handed to me and I gave them my last 
$100 in Confederate notes. I mounted this horse, and rode him 
bareback to my brother's. 

On my way 1 met large bodies of unarmed soldiers going 
South to their homes. Their silent walk and sad faces told of 
a sorrow in their hearts. These were Lee's men. They had 

Prison Reminiscenses. 51 

surrendered at Appomattox their arms but not their honor. They 
were heroes — but they were not conscious of it. They were un- 
conscious of their fame and glory. These were they of whom the 
world was to declare they made defeat as illustrious as victory. 
When I came in sight of my brother's home, I saw that 
his woods near the road were on fire, and that persons were en- 
gaged in fighting the fire. I saw that my brother was among 
them. I jumped off my horse, broke off the top of a bush, and 
approaching my brother from behind I commenced fighting the 
fire a short distance from him, turning my back on him. I had 
been thus engaged for some time, unobserved, and without a 
word, when I heard, suddenly, the cry : ''Brother ! My Brother !" 
I was in his arms and he in mine, and we wept — wept tears of 
affection and joy at meeting, and- wept tears of sorrow over 
our lost country. All was over. 

52 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


With Glowing Apostrophe to General T. J. Jackson, at 
Charlotte, N. C, May ioth, 1906. 

By Hon. R. T. BENNETT, Late Col. of the 14th N. C. 
Regiment, C. S. A. 

[As to other addresses of Col. Bennett and notice of his admirable 
career, see Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XXXIII, p. 
65.— Ed.] 

Madame President, Ladies of the United Daughters of the 

Confederacy, Citizens ; 

When that illustrious man William Edward Gladstone lay in the 
crisis of his fate, which closed in his death May 18th, 1898, 
messages of sympathy from the foremost men of our Christian 
world were read to him, and he murmured at intervals, "Kindness, 
kindness, kindness!" at length as prayers were ended he exclaimed, 

There is sunshine in my soul to-day. You have given me mani- 
festations of sympathy akin to affection. 

An old man taken in the act of doing right is your guest to-day. 
I value beyond weights and measures the good opinion of our 
people, whether they be plain people, official people, or such as 
determine alone or in council public opinion, that mysterious and 
invisible power which no man can resist — more frequently right 
than any man can fathom or forecast. Need I pause to define 
public opinion as the conception of the best and foremost thought 
of the time, the day, the hour. It is not the cry of the multitude, 
"Crucify him! Release to us Barabbas," but of the still small voice, 
"Be just and fear not." 

I quiver with emotion in the presence of this audience, cultured 
and adorned with every embellishment of beauty. I reckon the 

Address of Hon. It. T.Bennett. 53 

census of immortal events wrought here by the good limbs of our 

I miss the lionhearted Jones, the intrepid Flemming, the un- 
matched Waring, glorious Greer, my virtuous friend John E. 
Brown, the steady Barringer and perennial Vance. 

"At their tombs my tributary tears I offer for my brethren's 

I asked my wife if it would be risking too much with this assem- 
blage of worthies to indulge m)' sense for humor. With Confed- 
erate precision she retorted against it and I am sworn to a severe 

I am not to herald discordant notes. Peace on earth to men of 
good will enthuses me. If I may twang the bow of Ulysses I 
recognize that you cannot annihilate the past. Verily you must not 
suspect me capable of infidelity to that past. Genius when young 
is divine. 

Charles Dickens, the most pathetic of all English writers, in one 
of his letters from Rome, represents the early Christians of Rome 
as having- sought and found sanctuary in the catacombs of the 
Eternal City, where they worshipped the God of the Christian. 
Their hiding place having been discovered, fathers, mothers were 
slain by the men of the law — the lynchers of the Apocalypse, the 
mot of the day. 

The men who hang others upon the Statue of Liberty while pro- 
fessing a mission for free speech, freedom of conscience. The 
children of those slain for their faith witnessing the awful tragedy 
ot fathers and mothers immolated, rush upon their tormentors 
crying aloud: "We are Christians." By an access of unspeakable 
tenderness they were lifted above fear and looked upon death as a 
mere incident of life. 

Those of us who were completely possessed with the principles of 
1861 — on fire with its scope and energy — "A burning bush." 

We are Confederates now henceforth eternally. Our methods of 
observation and reasoning now, as then, are the sheet anchor of 
our principles. We extenuate nothing — naught exaggerate in malice. 
Calumnies cast at the government are not our weapons. 

Who would not love his country with all his might ? Is she not 
made of our secular traditions, our unrivaled glories, our reverses, 
and of the genius of our great men, writers, thinkers, poets, 

54 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

orators and captains crowned with victory or sanctified by misfor- 
tune? Is she not made of the brilliance of our cities, the charm of 
our villages of the soil, which covers the remains of our predeces- 
sors, of an industry whose power is miraculous, and of the earth 
which the workmen render fruitful ? She is all this ; the thought 
of her fills and possesses us, it makes our hearts beat, it uplifts our 
souls and dominating us, allows this high creation to be great in 
the world and respected. 

A nation may succumb to force, but when her honor remains — 
eternal hope and lofty thoughts are not forbidden her if her children, 
"The Trustees of Posterity," the best asset of a State, cherish 
piously the cult of their country and the religion of their parents. 

Old man Carlyle laughed until hoarse when it was read to him 
that the mob of New York city, resisting the draft of 1863, hanged 
negroes to lamp posts, while Lincoln and Stanton were proclaiming 
the war as waged for freedom. What irony! Alas, what destiny! 
Alas, the deep damnation of their taking off. 

Wordsworth said of the persistency of the Spaniards against 
Napoleon : 

"That when a people are called suddenly to fight for their 
liberty, and are sorely pressed upon, their best field of battle is the 
floors upon which their children have played, the chambers where 
the family of each man has slept upon, or under the roofs by which 
they have been sheltered, in the gardens of their recreation, in the 
streets, or in the market place, before the altars of their temples, 
and among their congregated dwellings, blazing or uprooted. 5 ' 

This is our Saints' day — two score and three years ago amid the 
tangled undergrowth at Chancellorsville, the wound which released 
his noble soul was inflicted. Never did the death of one man exer- 
cise such influence upon a nascent or established State. Gustavus 
Adolphus, the Lion of the North, the defender of the Christian 
religion, the great Turenne, the foremost tactician of his age, taken 
off by a stray shot — these were cruel blows — not comparable, how- 
ever, to the death of that tempestuous Captain, God given, intoxi- 
cated with his mission. You have marvelled, no doubt, that he 
should have gone forward beyond his lines, as he did, I bring you 
the secret. The enemy staggering from the powerful stroke 

Address of Hon. R. T. Bennett. ' 55 

inflicted by the rout of the afternoon, had recoiled within his lines 
and was making- temporary field works against the onset of the 

That great genius read through the darkness the trepidation of 
Hooker and decided to attack under cover of darkness. Trusting 
himself only, he ventured to find the weak joint in the enemy's 
armor. If he had come back to us as he went, we would have been 
hurled against Hooker, and the Army of the Potomac would have 
ceased to exist as a fighting unit. 

I recall the march of Jackson's Corps from Fredericksburg to 
Chancellorsville the day before that battle — it was full of glories. 
Halting to rest along a narrow road, arms were stacked — in a line 
as crooked as the line of an old-fashioned Virginia fence. Suddenly 
the sound of a great multitude who had raised their voices in accord 
came over the tips of the bayonets. The very air of heaven 
seemed agitated — it was Nature's sympathy as in the total eclipse 
of the sun, the onrushing of the shadow has its herald on stronger 
air. The horse and his rider cross our vision. The simple Presby- 
terian Elder, anointed of God, with clenched teeth, a very statue, 
passes to his transfiguration. 

JNo artist could express on canvas the face of that man in moments 
of excitement. I have been transported to the summit of action in 
battle by his presence. The gaudium certaminis. He was God's 

It has been said of Adoniram Judson that his life was a perpetual 
incense to heaven. His example was worth to humanity all the 
money ever spent in the mission field. 

How shall I appraise the influence of our illustrious captains and 
the obedience of their ragged cohorts! H6w shall I inventory 
their virtues! 

The night before Chancellorsville my command laid close to the 
spot where the two foremost men of the army of Northern Virginia 
held high counsel over the situation. There General Lee, pointing 
to the Catherine Furnace Road, traced the detour around Hooker, 
and the morrow witnessed the execution of a great conceit of 
strategy in lofty vein. 

And now as he passes to his rest, his face to heaven, he talks of 
elemental nature. 

o6 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

"Let us cross over the rivers and rest under the shade of the 

I've called his name a statue, stern and vast 
It rests enthroned upon the mighty past 
Fit plinth for him whose image in the mind 
Looms up as that of one by God designed. 
Fit plinth in sooth! the mighty past for him 
Whose simple name is glory's synonym! 
Even fancy's self in her enchanted sleep 
Can dream no future which may cease to keep 
His name in guard, like sentinel, and cry 
From time's Q-reat bastions, "It shall never die.' 

The Address of Hon. John Lamb. 57 


Delivered at Ashland, Va., on Memorial Day, Saturday. 
May 26th, 1906. 

Memorial day has grown into an institution among- us. The old 
Confederate naturally becomes reminiscent when in the presence of 
his comrades he recalls the hardships, the sacrifices and the conflicts 
of 40 years ago. The features and the forms of those who stood 
shoulder to shoulder with him in the conflict, or fell by his side, 
come before his mind's eye as distinct as the scenes of yesterday. 
This Is a day of sadness to him, not unmixed however, with the 
proud recollection that he was an humble factor in one of the 
grandest struggles for self government that has ever occurred on 
the earth. 

As the younger people of this generation cannot enter into our 
feedings now, so they cannot imagine how we felt 40 years ago. 
The causes for that struggle, and the motives of those who partici- 
pated have been so misrepresented and maligned by the historians 
of the day that it becomes the sacred duty of those who survive to 
vindicate the motives, and explain the principles, of the actors in 
that great drama. 

The writers and speakers of the South owe it to our dead leaders, 
and the noble men who followed them, to vindicate their action in 
the eyes of mankind, and prove to all the world, that those who 
fought for the South were neither rebels nor traitors. 

For this reason, my comrades and the older people here, will 
indulge me while I present some views not new to them, but intended 
for the rising generation — those perhaps who studied Barnes' and 
Fiske's histories. 

We do not meet in our Camps or on Memorial occasions to dis- 
cuss the abstract question of the right or wrong of the conflict that 
was waged with such fury 40 years ago. It is useless to raise this 
question. Possibly it may be urged that in some respects both 
sides were wrong. The historian of the future may probably clelare 
that upon the strict construction of the Constitution one side was 

58 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

right, and owing to the changed condition of National affairs, the 
other side was right. 

The old Confederate has never consented to say he thought he 
was right. He believes the expression comes of too much com- 
placency or from lack of grit. We did not discuss its expediency 
after the State made its choice. Our comrades who sleep beneath 
the sod, died for the right as they saw it. While memory holds its 
place, you and your sons and daughters will pay the homage of 
grateful and loving hearts to their heroism and value, as annually 
you strew their graves with flowers, and teach your children to lisp 
their names and revere their memories. 

As we meet on these memorial occasions, or beside the graves of 
our heroes, without one bitter thought for those whom they met in 
deadly conflict, we thank God for the courage that enabled them 
to face the "dangers nature shrinks from,"* and to die in defense of 
the manhood and self respect of this Southland. We could not have 
tamely yielded our rights and convictions to avoid suffering and 

The necessity for the war was written in the history of the Colo- 
nies, in the climate, soil and productions of the different States, on 
the flag of the first ship that brought slaves to North America. 
The splendid eloquence and patriotism of Henry Clay and others 
delayed it. The madness of a few on both sides hastened it. Two 
questions had to be settled, the right of secession and chattel 

Some writers have contended that it was worth all our dreadful 
financial losses; all the sufferings of the conflict and all the blood of 
our precious dead, to have these two questions flung behind us 
forever. From this conclusion I respectfully dissent, and will 
endeavor to show that the right of secession rested with the South, 
while slavery was an incident of, but not the cause of the war, 
and would have ceased in time without so drastic a measure. 

The histories of the Civil war, as well as the books of fiction, by 
Northern writers, have left a baleful and erroneous impression on 
the minds of the present generation. 

The Southern States exercised a power that had been claimed 
from the very adoption of the Constitution. In the early days of 
the Republic their statesmen recognized the theory that the Con- 
stitution was a compact between the sovereign States, entered into 
for the common welfare. The sovereignty of the States was recog- 

The Address of Hon. John Lamb. 59 

nized and the idea of coercing a sovereign State was not entertained 
at all. 

The proceedings of the Convention which framed the Constitu- 
tion, as well as those of the States that ratified it, together with the 
debates, go to show that at the time there was little difference of 
opinion as to this question. Had the framers of the Constitution 
declared their intention to create a supreme Central Government to 
bind the States beyond all power of withdrawal, it never would have 
been ratified at all. This State, as well as New York, and possibly 
others, inserted in their resolutions of ratification a declaration that 
the powers vested by the Constitution in the United States of 
America, might be resumed by them when they should deem it 
necessary to prevent. injury or oppression. 

Early in the nineteenth century the doctrine of secession, charac- 
terized as treason and rebellion in 1861, was openly advocated in 
Massachusetts. Col. Pickering, a member of General Washington's 
cabinet, in July, 1804, wrote as follows : "The principles of our 
revolution point to the remedy — a separation. That this can be 
accomplished, and without spilling one drop of blood, I have no 
doubt. * * * I do not believe in the practicability of a long 
continued union. A Northern Confederacy would unite congenial 
characters and present a fairer prospect of public happiness; while 
the Southern States, having a similarity of habits, might be left to 
manage their own affairs in their own way. If a separation were to 
take place, our mutual wants would render a friendly and commer- 
cial intercourse inevitable. The Southern States would require the 
moral protection of the Northern Union, and the products of the 
former would be important to the navigation and commerce of the 
latter. * * It (meaning the separation) must begin in Massa- 
chusetts. The proposition would be welcome in Connecticut, and 
could w r e doubt New Hampshire ? But New York must be associ- 
ated, and how is her concurrence to be obtained ? She must be 
made the centre of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Hampshire 
would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity." 

This letter shows that Col. Pickering believed that the doctrine 
of secession had the approval of New England, as well as New York 
and New Jersey. 

In 181 r the admission of the State of Louisiana was violently 
opposed in Congress. During the debate, Mr. Ouincy of Massa- 
chusetts, said: If this bill passes it is my deliberate opinion that it 

60 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

is virtually a dissolution of the Union; that it will free the States 
from their moral obligations, and, as it will be the right of all, so it 
will be the duty of some definitely to prepare for a separation 
amicably, if they can — violently, if they must." 

A Southern delegate, mark you, called him to order. The point 
of order was sustained by the Speaker of the House. From -this 
decision an appeal was taken, and the Speaker was overruled. 

Here was an open contention of the right of secession by a Massa- 
chusetts representative, and a decision by the House that it was a 
lawful matter for discussion. 

The Hartford Convention of 1814, consisting of delegates from 
the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
Hampshire and Vermont, discussed the question, and although 
they did not decide to secede at that time, declared as follows : 
"If the Union be destined to dissolution by reason of the multiplied 
abuses of bad administration, it should, if possible, be the work of 
peaceable times and deliberate consent. Some new form of Con- 
federacy should be substituted among the States which shall intend 
to maintain a Federal relation to each other. Events may prove 
that the causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They 
may be found to proceed not merely from blindness of prejudice, 
pride or opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the 
times, but they may be traced to implacable combinations of indi- 
viduals, or of States, to monopolize power and office and to trample 
without remorse upon the rights and interests of commercial 
sections of the Union. Whenever it shall appear that the causes 
are radical and permanent a separation, by equitable arrangement 
will be preferable to an alliance by constraint among nominal 
friends, but real enemies." 

The New England States in TS44 threatened a dissolution of the 
Union. In that year the Legislature of Massachusetts adopted this 

"The Commonwealth of Massachusetts, faithful to the compact 
between the people of the United States, according to the plain 
meaning and intent in which it was understood by them, is sincerely 
anxious for its preservation ; but that it is determined, as it doubts 
not that the other States are, to submit to undelegated powers in 
no bodv of men on earth." It further declared that "the project 

The Address of Hon. John Lamb. 01 

of the annexation of Texas, unless arrested on the threshold, may 
tend to drive these States to a dissolution of the Union." 

Prior to the Louisiana purchase the settlers on the Mississippi 
river, who were harrassed by the Spaniards, petitioned Congress, 
saying, " if Congress refuses us effectual protection ; if it forsakes 
us, we will adopt the measures which our safety requires, even if 
they endanger the peace of the Union and our connection with the 
other States. No protection ; no allegiance. " 

You see the right to secede was advocated by the North and 
West, and threats to avail themselves of this right were made by 
Northern Legislatures, leading statesmen, and petitioners in 

Through 50 years of our history this discussion continued, and 
the eloquence of Webster and the logic of Calhoun were exhausted 
while no satisfactory conclusion was reached. 

Finally, when the Southern States, for grievances that are fresh 
in our memories, and far outweighed all the fancied evils that New 
England suffered, or all the trials the Mississippi Valley settlers 
bore, withdrew from the Union and reasserted their sovereignty, 
they were coerced by Federal powers, and falsely represented, not 
only to the world, but to our own children, as traitors and rebels. 

The question of the justice of our cause having been so completely 
established, why should our people admit, as we know they some- 
times do, that it was best after all that we failed in the attempt to 
establish a separate government? 

Does the fact of failure prove that we were in the wrong, and our 
enemies right in the contention? Was Providence on their side, 
and were we fighting against the fiat of the Almighty? If so, why ? 
Was religion and character on the side of the North ? If America 
had to suffer the penalty of violated law, were we of the South 
sinners above all others ? In the conduct of the war, which side 
exhibited most of the Christian, and least of the brutal character? 
To ask these questions is but to answer them. 

In the " Confederate Secession," a work by an Englishman, the 
author draws a deadly parallel between the methods and aims of 
the two people, and sums up the matter with the significant words : 
"All the good qualities were on the one tide, and all the bad on 
the other." 

62 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Let us discard the old superstition that Heaven is revealed in the 
immediate results of "trial by combat." We know that the 
Christian civilization of the first centuries went down in the dark- 
ness of midiaeval times. We know that Paul was beheaded and 
Nero crowned, and Christ crucified. Our defeat was but another 
instance of " Truth on the scaffold, and wrong on the throne." 

We know that the North succeeded because they mustered 
2,500,000 men, and had the world to draw supplies from, while 
the South failed because she could not muster over 600,000 men 
all told, and was confined to her own territories for supplies. 

Northern writers and speakers have attempted to show that the 
South plunged this country into desperate war for the purpose of 
perpetuating- slavery. Do the facts of history sustain contention ? 
The colony of Virginia protested again and again to the King of 
England against sending slaves to her shores. The House of 
Burgesses enacted laws on twenty-three different occasions against 
the importation of slaves. The King of England vetoed each act. 
Then the people of Virginia petitioned the King to stop the traffic. 
He turned a deaf ear to the appeal. In 1832 the Legislature of 
Virginia came within one vote of passing a law of emancipation. 

On page 88, Vol. I, of Henderson's Life of Stonewail Jackson, 
you will find an interesting letter written by General R. E. Lee, 
showing what he thought of slavery before the war. Dr. Hunter 
McGuire, in his able report on School Histories of the South, made 
to the Grand Camp of Virginia in 1899, states that Lee set free his 
slaves before the war began, while Grant retained his until freed by 
proclamation. Dr. McGuire also says in his report, that not one 
man in 30 of the Stonewall Brigade owned a slave. Of 80 men of 
my Company. 40 never owned a slave, nor did their fathers before 
them own one. 

A Northern writer says : "Slavery was the cause of war, just as 
property is the cause of robbery." 

If any man will read the debates between Lincoln and Douglas, 
just prior to the war, or the emancipation proclamation, he will see 
that slavery was not the cause of action, or its abolition his intent. 
Emancipation was a war measure, not affecting the border States. 

Mr. Webster said at Capon Springs in 1851 : " I do not hesitate 
to say and repeat, that if the Northern States refused to carry into 
effect that part of the Constitution which respects the restoration of 

The Address of Hon. John Lamb. 63 

fugitive slaves, the South would no longer be bound to keep the 

Did any of you ever see a soldier who was fighting for slavery ? 
A celebrated English historian in treating this subject, remarks : 
' ' Slavery was but the occasion of the rupture, in no sense, the 
object of the war." 

Slavery would have been abolished in time had the South 
succeeded. Virginia would have taken the initiatory in a few years. 
Her whole history, and the action of her statesmen and represen- 
tatives in Congress, go to show this. 

The enlightened sentiment of mankind, the spirit of the age, was 
against chattel slavery. England and France had freed their bond- 
men. Russia emancipated her serfs about 1880. In 1873 the Island of 
Porto Rico taxed itself $12,000,000 and freed 30,000 slaves. Does 
any one suppose that the enlightened and Christian people of the 
Southern States would have set themselves against the moral senti- 
ment of mankind? and refuse to heed the voice of civilization and 
progress ? 

I have given this hasty argument in no captious spirit, but simply 
to vindicate the truth of history in the presence of so many of the 
younger generation. 

It would hasten the progress of harmony between the sections if the 
people of the North would acquaint themselves with these historic 
facts. It would hasten the era of good feeling now setting in if they 
would realize that the black race problem is not the only race 
problem that confronts us. 

I look into the faces of men who on their father's knees listened 
to the stories cf Bunker Hill, Lexington and Yorktown. Teach 
your children the truth of history touching both revolutions in this 
country. Virginia as then constituted, furnished one third of 
Washington's army at Yorktown, while at the same time she had 
2,500 soldiers with Green in the South, and 700 also fighting the 
Indians on the Ohio. Let it go down to your children that the one 
revolution was as justifiable as the other, and that for the first, 
Virginia gave the immortal Washington, and to the last supplied 
the peerless Lee. 

Let me give you a pen portrait of our chieftain from an English 
view point. In a translation of Homer, dedicated to "General R. 
E. Lee, the most stainless of living commanders and except in 
fortune the greatest," Philip Stanley Worsley of Oxford, wrote: 

64 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

"The grand old bard that never dies 
Receive him in our English tongue; 

I send thee, but with weeping eyes, 
The story that he sung. 

Thy Tory is fallen, thy dear land 
Is marred beneath the spoilers heel, 

I can not trust my trembling hand 
To write the things I feel. 

Ah, realm of tombs, but let her bear 

This blazon to the last of times; 
No nation rose so white and fair, 

Or fell so pure of crimes. 

The widow's moan, the orphan's wail 
Come round thee; yet in truth be strong; 

Eternal right, though all else fail, 
Can never be made wrong. 

An Angel's heart, an Angel's mouth, 

Not Homer's, could atone for me, 
Hymn well the great Confederate South, 

Virginia first, and Lee." 

On occasions like this our hearts turn to one who was imprisoned, 
manacled and treated with many indignities, although no more 
responsible for the action of the Southern States than other public 
men. His persecutors were unable to bring him to trial. The text 
books on the Constitution taught at West Point stood in the way. 
For the Chief Magistracy of the young republic, that arose so full 
of hope and noble purposes and died so free of crime, the Com - 
mon wealth of Mississippi gave Jefferson Davis; soldier, statesman 
and vicarious sufferer, for a people who will cherish his memory so 
long as valor has a votary or virtue a shrine. 


We pause to pay a tribute to the mighty host of brave officers, 
soldiers and sailors who fell under the banner of the Lost Cause 
forty years ago. We cannot call their names. They are too 
numerous to be mentioned. All honor to the heroes who gave 
their lives to the cause of Constitutional Government. We tell 

The Address of lion. John Lamb. G^) 

of their fate without a sigh. They were spared from witnessing 
the glorious flag furled. A large number of these did not turn 
from the fated field of Gettysburg, as did some here, with the 
burning thought that "Some one had blundered." 

The tragic scenes at Appomattox could leave no regretful and 
sorrowful memories in their hearts and lives. 

"As the mists of the past are rolled away, 

Our heroes who died in their tattered gray, 

Grow taller and greater in all their parts, 

Till they fill our minds, as they filled our hearts; 

And for them who lament them there is this relief, 

That glory sits by the side of grief, 

And they grow taller as the years pass by 

And the world learns how they could do or die." 


We sing praises to the officers; we erect monuments of bronze 
and marble to their memories; we hang portaits on the walls of our 
camps that will remind our children's children of their undying 
fame and imperishable valor, but we do not emphasize on every 
occasion, as we should, the self sacrifice and noble devotion to duty 
of the private soldier and sailor who made possible the fame and 
glory of their officers. 

The Confederate private soldier was by far above the average of 
the armies of the world. No country ever had a larger percentage 
of thinking and intelligent men in the ranks; men more thoroughly 
imbued with moral principle. 

To their everlasting honor stands the fact that in their march 
through the enemy's country they left behind them no wasted 
fields, no families cruelly robbed, no homes violated. 

An English writer contemporaneously wrote: 

"In no case had the Pennsylvanians to complaim of personal 
injury or even discourtesy at the hands of those whose homes they 
had burned; whose families they had insulted, robbed and tor- 
mented. Even the tardv destruction of Chambersburg was an act 
of regular, limited and righteous reprisal." 

"I must say that they acted like gentlemen, and, their cause 
aside, I would rather have 40,000 rebels quartered on my premises 

66 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

than 1,000 Union troops," was said by a Pennsylvania farmer during 
that invasion. 

No one who participated in that struggle for Constitutional 
government could have failed to observe the unselfish devotion of 
the private soldier. 

The generals and line officers, charged with responsibility and 
nerved with ambition, too often soldiers of fortune, had a stimulus 
and hope of reward that did not often stir the private soldier. His 
breast was fired and his arm nerved by devotion to duty. He was 
in many cases better born and more intelligent than his officers, 
yet he was obedient to orders and marched into the jaws of death 
with a heroism and courage that challenged the admiration of the 
world. He knew that in the story of the battle the officers' names 
would be mentioned, and if among the slain, he would be borne to 
a well marked tomb, over which loving hands and grateful hearts 
would spread flowers and shed tears; while over his unmarked 
grave, most likely the wind would sing a sad requiem and no loving 
hand would plant a single flower. 

A Southern soldier of the 2nd Virginia Cavalry, in pathetic words 
has epitomized this subject. A lady of Loudoun County, Va., set 
the words to music. We often heard it sung around our Camp Fires: 

"All quiet along the Potomac they say 
Except here and there a stray picket 
Is shot as he walks on his beat to and fro, 
By a rifleman hid in the thicket. 

" 'Tis nothing — a private or two now and then 
Will not count in the news of the battle, 
Not an officer lost; only one of the men — 
Moaning out all alone the death rattle. 
* * * * 

"All quiet along the Potomac to-night, 
No sound save the rush of the river; 
While soft falls the dew on the face of the dead, 
That picket's off duty forever." 


No story of our war; no record of the gallent defenders of our 
stainless banner; no recital of the deeds of daring and the unselfish 
sacrifices of these men, would be complete without mention of the 

The Address of Hon. John Lamb. 67 

heroic spirit and undying devotion of the noble women of the 
South. The old stories of the Roman matrons and self-sacrifices of 
the Spartan women, were reproduced in every State, and nearly 
every home of this Southland. 

It would be easy to furnish from memory of the stirring events 
during the war between the States, incidents that would show the 
most exalted patriotism and the highest conception of duty on the 
part of the noble women of the South that the history of any 
people in any age can furnish. 

We are proud of the fact that their mantle has fallen upon the 
shoulders of the Daughters of the Confederacy, whose hearts burn 
to day with a love and devotion as pure and sacred as that of their 
mothers, when they sent forth their sons to battle with the Roman 
matron's injunction; or gave their parting kiss to loved ones, whom 
they cheerfully resigned to their country's call. 

The unselfish devotion of the noble women of the South upheld 
and prolonged the unequal struggle while their patience and sacri- 
fices at home, rearing their children, and praying for the absent 
husband and father, often with no protector save the faithful slaves 
who stood guard at their doors, furnishes the most striking example 
of love and devotion that this world has ever known. When under 
the providence of God our vexed problems are settled, and the 
South comes again to her own, as under the unvarying law of com- 
pensation she surely will, another monument will crown one of the 
seven hills of our monumental city, erected by the sons and 
daughters of the Confederacy, and dedicated to the noble women 
of the South. 


A land without ruins is a land without memories. A land with- 
out memories is a land without a history. ''Crowns of roses fade ; 
crowns of thorns endure. Calvaries and Crucifixions take deepest 
hold of humanity. The triumphs of might are transient ; they pass 
and are forgotten. The sufferings of right are deepest on the 
chronicles of Nations." 


"The shadows of the evening are lengthening on our pathway, 
The twilight approaches; for the most part you have lived brave 

68 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

May you die worthy patriots, dear to God and famous to all the 

Our battlefields are around us ; the graves of our dead comrades 
remind us of the sacrifices Virginians made for their convictions. 
The evening song of our declining years may find passionate long- 
ing in the plaintive strain of our Southern bard : 

" Yes, give me the land where the ruins are spread, 
And the living tread light on the hearts of the dead ; 
Yes, give me the land that is blest by the dust 
And bright with the deeds of the down-trodden just ; 
Yes, give me the land where the battle's red blast 
Has flashed to the future the fame of the past ; 
Yes, give me the land that hath legends and lays 
That tell of the memory of long vanished days ; 
Yes, give me the land that has story and song 
Enshrine the strife of the right with the wrong ; 
Yes, give me a land with a grave in each spot 
And names in those graves that shall ne'er be forgot ; 
Yes, give me the land of the wreck and the tomb, 
There is grandeur in graves ; there is glory in gloom ; 
For out of the gloom future brightness is born 
As after the night comes the sunshine of morn, 
And the graves of the dead with the grass overgrown 
May yet form the footstool of Liberty's throne, 
And each single wreck in the warpath of might 
Shall yet be a rock in the Temple of Right." 

Prisoners of War North and South. 69 

From The Journal, Atlanta, Ga., June 3, 1906. 


[A remarkable essay by Miss Ruth Rodgers, the fourteen 
year old daughter of Judge and Mrs. Robert L. Rodgers, a 
brilliant and talented girl, who has won a succession of badges, 
medals and blue ribbons since she first started to school. 

On May 23, 1906, she won the McDowell Wolff medal for the 
best essay on "Prisoners of the Civil War," and was, also, awarded 
the prize offered by the State School Commissioner of Georgia, for 
the best essay on "Events of 1861 — Their Importance and In- 
fluence," her essay being adjudged the best sent from Fulton 
county. She was valedictorian of the West End School, when it 
closed, and was at the same time announced the leader of her class 
for the year. 

Judge Rodgers, her father, is the historian of the Atlanta Camp 
of Confederate Veterans. 

It is gratifying to be informed that the cruel stigma may be 
removed from the memory of Captain Wirz. 

At a meeting of the Louisiana Historical Association held in New 
Orleans, January 2d, 1907, "the Secretary laid before the Board 
correspondence regarding a history of 'Andersonville' that is in 
preparation by an influential citizen of Montana, a Republican who 
has held important offices in his State, a member of the Grand 
Army of the Republic, who was for seven months confined at 
Andersonville, who proposes to publish his version of that prison. 
In it justice will be done to Wirz's memory. It will be shown that 
Wirz did his best with the scant means at his command to alleviate 
the condition of the prisoners. He was also a member of a prison 
committee that waited upon Wirz several times, and he says that 
Wirz always granted reasonable requests if in his power." — Ed.] 

In the consideration of the Civil war, one of the special, and 
most interesting in all of its various phases is the capture and treat- 
ment of prisoners of war. 

In all nations or countries called civilized, when they may be 
engaged in war, it is customary for the contending parties to accept 
the surrender of men from the opposite army, when they may be 

70 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

overtaken, and to hold in custody such as surrender. Such as are 
thus taken are put hors-de-combat by being put in prisons, and 
held as prisoners of war under such rules as are commonly regarded 
by what is termed civilized warfare, if, indeed, any people who 
engage in a war may be properly called civilized. Instead of being 
killed after their surrender, prisoners are taken and held in prisons 
so that they may not further fight until properly returned or 

The civil war in the United States was one of the fiercest 
struggles in history. The subject of prisoners in the civil war, and 
their treatment furnishes to the student of military history some of 
the most horrible and pathetic incidents of human suffering ever 
known in the world. Both sides of the contest, the United States 
and the Confederate States of America, have much to answer for in 
the matter of severe and cruel treatment of prisoners. The advo- 
cates and partisans of either side have often made charges of inhu- 
manity against the other side. 

The responsibility for the harsh and cruel treatment of prisoners 
is not easy to fix in any specific or definite degree, and must always 
be considered as general, except in some special and individual 

As to which side was more to blame than the other can only be 
fairly considered and estimated by taking a comparative view of 
the means, powers and resources of both sides for the proper treat- 
ment of prisoners. 

In view of the superior advantages of the United States govern- 
ment, it seems that the fair and just judgment of true and impartial 
history must be rendered in favor of the Confederate States govern- 
ment. The Confederate government, at best, was the provisional, 
and was not well established as a permanent and reliable govern- 
ment. Its credit was not well established and and could not be 
counted on for any more than its immediately tangible and visible 
resources in hand at that time. Its only available asset for credit 
was the production of cotton, and at this period of war the raising 
of cotton was curtailed and limited so as to make an increase in 
substantial supplies for our armies. The property in negroes at 
this time was uncertain as to its permanent character or of duration, 
and was not available as security for credit. 

Prisoners were simply so many parasites of the enemy on the 
Confederacy. They were a lot of idle, non-paying, burdensome 

Prisoners of War North and South. 71 

boarders, who had to be constantly fed and guarded and who did 
nothing - to contribute to their own support. They were an incubus 
upon a government already too weak to carry its own burden, 
having a population of slaves who did not go into the armies to 
help fight the battles for constitutional principles of government 
wherein they were interested as to the whole number of slaves and 
counted for three-fifths of their number for representation. 

Our women and children had to be supported while our men 
were engaged in the war. Then to take on an increase of hearty, 
hungry men of more than a quarter of a million was a great tax 
and undertaking for a people of limited means and resources. 

Such was the condition of the Southern Confederacy when 
taking so many prisoners. 

With the United States government matters were different, a 
government which the South helped organize and establish, a 
governmet of means, a government of prestige and power, and 
with unlimited credit and immense resources. The United States 
could afford to maintain as many prisoners as it could capture of 
the Confederate armies. 

They could draw from the whole world for both men and money 
to meet their demands in emergency. 

They could and did hire foreigners as soldiers for bounty, while 
native Southerners went to war without hire. 

The total number of Federal prisoners captured by the Confeder- 
ates was 270,000 by the report of Surgeon General Barnes, as quoted 
by Congressman Hill in his famous reply to Blaine, as shown by 
the official records in the War Department at Washington. 

The whole number of Confederare prisoners captured by the 
Federals was 220,000. At once it is seen that the Federals were 
50,000 more than the Confederates. 

The number of Federals who died in Confederate prisons was 
32,576, and the number of Confederates who died in Federal prisons 
was 26.436. So it appears, by official records, that more than 12 
per cent, of the Confederate prisoners in Federal prisons died, and 
less than 9 per cent, of the Federal prisoners in Confederate prisons 
died, notwithstanding the difference and disparity in means and 
resources between the North and South, considering the superior 
advantages of the North over the South for the proper care of 

72 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


In the North were numerous places for prisoners. They were 
located at points as follows : 

Alleghany, Pa., Alton, 111., Camp Butler, 111., Camp Chase, 0. f 
Camp Douglas, 111., Camp Morton, Ind., Elmira, N. Y., Fort 
Columbus, N. Y., Fort Lafayette, N. Y., Fort Warren, Md., 
Fort Wood, N. Y., Fort Pickens, Fla., Point Lookout, Md., 
Rock Island, 111., Johnston's Island, O., Louisville, Ky., Memphis, 
Tenn., Nashville, Tenn. 

In this essay it is unnecessary to specify the number of prisoners 
in each station, as they were distributed to suit the wishes and 
conveniences of the government, presumably for their own conveni- 
ence for supplies, guards and facility for keeping. 

In the South prisons were located at Americus, Ga., Camp 
Sumter, Andersonville, Ga. ; Atlanta, Ga. ; Augusta, Ga. ; Black- 
shear, Ga. ; Cahaba, Ala.; Camp Lawton, Millen, Ga. ; Camp 
Oglethorpe, Macon, Ga. ; Charleston, S. C. ; Florence, S. C. ; 
Columbia, S. C. ; Charlotte, N. C. ; Salisbury, N. C. ; Raieigh, N. C. ; 
Danville, Va.; Richmond, Va. ; Belle Isle, Castle Thunder, Crews, 
Libby, Pemberton's, Scott's, Smith's Factory. 

The supposition is likewise that these places were selected for 
the convenience of the Confederate government for purposes of 
safety from raids for the release of prisoners and for proper care of 

The prison at Andersonville, called Camp Sumpter, was the 
most noted of all the Confederate prisons. In this prison there 
were more Union prisoners and more suffering than in any other 
prison in the Confederate States. There Captain Henry Wirz was 
in command, and to him has been charged the alleged cruelties 
and crimes at the prison. 

It is undoubtedly true that there was much suffering in this 
prison, but it is hardly true that Captain Wirz was responsible for 
all of it, if for any. 

He was Swiss by birth, a physician by profession, and he came 
to America long before the war and located in New Orleans, La. 
He entered the Confederate army and was severely wounded in a 
battle, so as to bar him from active field service. He was assigned 
and detailed for duty as commanding officer at Andersonville 

Prisoners of War North and South. 73 

After the war he was charged by the Federal authorities with 
various crimes at the prison. He was taken to Washington city, 
and there held to trial by a military court, which condemned him 
to be hung, and he was executed on the ioth of November, 1865. 

The military court which tried and condemned Confederate 
Captain Henry Wirz was presided over by General Lewis Wallace, 
who subsequently became the famous author of the book known 
as "Ben Hur," which has been published in numerous editions and 
read by thousands of our people. 

The work was also dramatized and presented on theatrical stages 
to the interest of many thousands of people and vast assemblies of 
spectators. I wonder if any of them ever thought of the author of 
" Ben Hur " as the same man and officer who ruled in the military 
court that tried and condemned Confederate Captain Henry Wirz? 

The circumstances of the Confederate government rendered it 
practicallv impossible to give the prisoners all of their necessities. 

Captain Wirz was condemned and hung as a cruel felon. 

His cruel judge lived on and became famous. Does it not really 
seem like the irony of fate? 

The United States was in better condition and with more favor- 
able circumstances for the proper care of prisoners, yet they allowed 
our Confederate soldiers to suffer severely, many of them being put 
to death without cause of reason. 

Many of them died from starvation and freezing, as occurred at 
Elmira, N. Y. , Fort Delaware, Del., and at Sandusky (Johnson's 
Island), Ohio. 

At Sandusky and Chicago are large cemeteries of cur men who 
died in these prisons. Brave patriots of the Southland, they were 
true to the last, and they now rest in those cemeteries in view of 
those who opposed their cause, as though they are to be silent 
sentinels on guard forever for Southern manhood and courage, 
fidelity and fortitude, honor and heroism. 

Indeed, it seems appropriate and timely that the United States 
should adopt the suggestion of the lamented President McKinley, 
that the Federal government "should share with us in the care of 
Confederate soldiers' graves." He said : " Every soldier's grave 
made during our unfortunate Civil War, is a tribute to American 

It is simply a tale of horrors to read now the official reports of 
the lives of Confederate soldiers in prison. A significant fact with 

74 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

regard to the records, that in the reports of the superintendents of 
prisons, under the headings of ''conduct" almost invariably show 
"good" and "very good." Let us contrast these reports of uni- 
form good conduct of Confederates in prison with the severity of 
the manner in which they were treated by their cruel guards. For 
men whose behavior was ' 'good' ' to be treated as they were was 
simply wanton cruelty without cause. 

The south had a double duty imposed upon it, in the case of 
prisoners in their prisons and it also contributed to the comfort of 
Confederate soldiers in Northern prisons. 

The Confederate government sent large quantities of cotton to 
the north to be sold and the proceeds to be applied for the purchase 
of supplies for the Confederates in prison. 

Confederate General William N. R. Beall was in a Yankee 
prison. He was released on parole of honor and was designated 
for the purpose of receiving and selling the cotton and buying 
supplies, and distributing them amongst the prisoners at various 

Eight hundred and thirty bales of cotton sent to New York, after 
being properly prepared for market, sold at public auction February 
8th, 1865, at an average price of 82 cents per pound, netted 
$331,789.66, which sum was used for the purpose of buying supplies 
for our prisoners in Northern prisons. 

On August 8, 1865, General U. S. Grant sent a telegram to 
General Butler as follows : 

"On the subject of exchange, however, I differ with General 
Hitchcock. It is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to 
release them, but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight 
our battles. 

" To commence a system of exchange now which liberates all 
prisoners taken, we will have to fight on until the whole South is 
exterminated. If we hold those already caught they amount to no 
more than so many dead men. At this particular time, to release 
all rebel prisoners would insure Sherman's defeat and compromise 
our safety here." 

After abundant and indubitable proofs, the responsibility for the 
suffering of prisoners North and South has been laid upon the 
authorities of the United States Government, and there let it abide 
in history. 

Historical Memorial of the Charlotte Cavalry. 



[Our esteemed contributor, the gallant Captain E. E. Bouldin, is 
a prominent and successful member of the Virginia bar. An elder 
brother (whom we have known for a longer period) Powhatan 
Bouldin, Esq., was for many years the owner and editor of the 
Danville limes. He is the author of "Home Reminiscenses of 
John Randolph of Roanoke," a work which in the testimony 
presented of those familiar with that erratic genius, seems to give 
the key to his eccentricity. — Ed.] 

The Charlotte Cavalry was organized in Charlotte county, Vir- 
ginia, U. S. A., in 1861. On the 27th May, 1861, it was mustered 
into the service of the Southern Confederacy at Ashland, Va. 

It served in the War 186 1-5, first in Maj. George Jackson's 
Battalion, with one Company from Augusta county and two from 
Rockbridge county, Virginia, until September, 1862, when it was 
put into the 14th Virginia Cavalry as Company "B." This Regi- 
ment served under Brigadier-Generals A. G. Jenkins, Jno. Mc- 
Causland and R. L. T. Beale, Major- General W. H. F. Lee's 
Division part of the time. 

It was distinguished among kindred organizations for the personal 
merit of its members. Every General it served under recognized 
the high intelligence and worth of its members. It never had a 
member to desert. Applicants had to be voted on before they 
could become members. There were a large number of lawyers, 
physicians, teachers, and highly educated farmers and merchants 
in the Company. 

From a camp of instruction, at Ashland, Va., it was sent in the 
Spring of 1861, to Laurel Hill, Northwest Virginia, to General 
Garnett's command. The list of killed and wounded (forty-two) 
in this memorial, shows how it suffered. After it was put into the 
14th Virginia Cavalry, it, with the Churchville Cavalry (Companies 
B and I) constituted the "charging" Squadron of the Brigade. 
Captain E. E. Bouldin was first, and Captain James A. Wilson 
(of the Churchville) was Second in Command of the Squadron. 

76 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

When the Brigade advanced the squadron's place was in extreme 
front, when it retreated in extreme rear. 

It formed General R. E. Lee's extreme advance guard into 
Chambersburg, Pa., in 1863. It was General John McCausland's 
extreme rear guard all night and all day for days together, from 
Covington to Buchanan in June, 1864, when General Hunter 
advanced on Lynchburg, Va. 

When Chambersburg, Pa. was burnt in 1864, this squadron acted 
as General McCausland's extreme rear guard when McCausland 
left the burning city. From Five Forks, Va., near Petersburg, 
it was again often in the rear of Beale's Brigade (to which it had 
been transferred) in Lee's retreat to Appomattox. On the morning 
of the surrender, 9th April, 1865, this squadron was with its regi- 
ment, the 14th Virginia Cavalry, in the last charge made by that 
regiment under command of Captain E. E. Bouldin. On very 
many other occasions, these two companies were assigned the posts 
of danger and hardship. 

They acted nearly always together. So that in most, if not all 
instances, the Churchville Cavalry was engaged along with the 
Charlotte Cavalry in battles and skirmishes enumerated below, 
and its casualties were as many as those of the Charlotte Cavalry, 
though this memorial does not name any of them. A roll of that 
Company was made out by Captain James A. Wilson, of Church- 
ville, Augusta County, Va. A roll of the members of the Charlotte 
Cavalry was published in Vol. XXVIII of the Southern Historical 
Society Papers, and it was also entered in the records of County 
Court of Charlotte County, Virginia. 

This memorial was prepared by Lieutenant Samuel M. Gaines, 
now of Washington, D. C, from the records in that city and from 
his own notes and recollections, and was carefully reviewed by 
myself. It was sent to many of the surviving members of the 
Charlotte Cavalry, and corrections made where there were errors. 
So I hope, that it is correct in every particular, and will serve to 
give posterity an account of the part this Company and the Church- 
ville Cavalry, bore in the great War, 186 1-5. 

The following is a chronological list of the engagements, large 
and small (excepting trivial encounters on picket and scout duty) 
in which this Company, as a whole or in part, participated during 
the War, with the casualties remembered. 

Historical Memorial of the Charlotte Cavalry. 77 

1861. With Gen. R. S. Garnett in West Virginia. 
Laurel Hill, W. Va., July 7, 8 and 9. 
Kahler's Ford, W. Va., July 13. 
Carrick's Ford, W. Va., July 13. 

Swamp's Block House, W. Va., November — . Henry Chick 
killed and Isaac Friend wounded. 

1862. With Gen. R. E. Lee in West Virginia. 
Dry Forks, W. Va., January 8. 

North Fork, W. Va., January 17. R. M. Friend wounded on 

Hinkle's Gap, W. Va., February 4. 

Seneca Creek, W. Va., February — . 

North Mountain, W. Va., March 4. Samuel M. Gaines wounded. 

With Gen. Lorinq, 
Nicholas Court House, W, Va., July 26. 
Fayetteville, W. Va., September 10. 
Cotton Hill, W. Va., September 11. 
Montgomery's Ferry, W. Va., September 12. 
Charleston, W. Va., September 13. 
Buffalo, W. Va., September 27. 
Charleston, W. Va., October 6. 
Bulltown, W. Va., October 9. 
Charleston, W. Va., October 16. 
Kanawha Falls, W. Va., October 31. 

1863. With Gen. R. E. Lee in his Advance into 


Middletown, Va. , June if. 

Winchester, Va., June 13. 

White Post, Va., June 14. 

Bunker Hill, Va. , June 15. 

Martinsburg, W. Va., June 15. 

Greencastle, Pa., June 20. 

Chambersburg, Pa., June 20. 

Carlisle, Pa., June 29 

Gettysburg. Pa., July 1, 2, 3. Samuel M. McCargo killed, 
Henrv C. Chappell, Jno. Roberts wounded and died. Wash 
Chappell wounded. 

Monterey Gap, Md., July 5. 

78 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Hagerstown, Md., July 6. Lieut. W. R. Gaines wounded. 

Boonsboro, Md., July 7, 8. 

Williamsport, Md., July 14. Lieut. D. Shepperson killed, Jno. 
P. Marshall wounded and died, Capt. E. E. Bouldin wounded, 
Andrew Hannah killed, William H. Woods wounded. 

Shepherdstown, Md., July 16. 

Chester Gap, Va., July 21. 

Brandy Station, Va., August 1 to 11 Adjt. B. C. Bouldin killed. 

Kelly's Ford, Va., August 2, 3. 

Little Washington, Va., August 24. 

Sperryville, Va., August — . 

Under Gen. Jno. Echols. 

Droop Mountain, W. Va., November 6. Sergt.-Maj. R. H. 
Gaines wounded, Thomas C. Harvey wounded. 
Greenbrier River, W. Va. , December 12. 

1864. Under Gen. Jno. McCausland, opposing Gen. Hunter i?i 
his Advance on Lynchburg. 

White Sulphur Springs, June 1. 

Covington, Va., June 2. 

Panther Gap, Va., June 4. 

Goshen, Va., June 6. 

Buffalo Gap, Va., June 7. 

Staunton Road, Va., June 8. 

Arbor Hill, Va., June 10. 

Newport, Va., June 10. 

Middlebrook, Va., June 10. Jas. R. Crews and Norman B. 
Spraggins wounded. 

Brownsburg, Va. , June 10. Alexander S. Walker wounded, 
Samuel Price and William Spencer wounded, B. W. Marshall 

Lexington, Va., June 11. 

Broad Creek, Va., June 13. 

Buchanan, Va., June 13. 

Peaks Gap, Va., June 14. 

Fancy Farm, Va., June 15. 

Otter River, Va., June 16. 

New London, Va., June 16. 

Lynchburg, Va., June 17, 18. Abner Ford wounded. 

Historical Memorial of the Charlotte Cavalry. 79 

1864. Under Gen. Jubal Early in his Advance into Pennsylvania. 

Forest Depot, Va., June 18. 

Liberty, Va., June 20. 

Salem, Va., June 21. 

Leetown, W. Va., July 3. 

North Mountain, W. Va., July 4. 

Hagerstown, Md., July 7. 

Frederick, Md., July 8. 

Monocacy, Md., July 9. 

Urbana, Md., July 9. 

Rockville, Md., July 10. 

Tenleytown, District of Columbia, July 11, 12. Norman King 
wounded and captured. 

Rockville, Md., July 13. 

Edwards Ferry, Md., July 14. 

Snicker's Gap, Va., July 17. 

Ashby's Gap, Va., July 18. 

Berry's Ferry, Va., July 19. 

Darkesville, W. Va., July 19. 

Winchester, Va. , July 20. Rice Dennis wounded, Charles Polk 
Kent wounded. 

Stephenson's Depot, Va., July 20. Allen Caperton wounded. 

Kernstown, Va., July 23. 

Winchester, Va., July 24. 

Martinsburg, W. Va., July 25. 

Clear Springs, Md., July 29. 

Mercersburg, Pa., July 29. 

Chambersburg, Pa., July 30. 

McConnellshurg, Pa., July 30. 

Cumberland, Md., August 1. Samuel Dunlop wounded. 

Old Town, Md., August 2. 

Green Springs, Md., August 2. 

Hancock, Md., August 2. 

New Creek, W. Va., August 4. 

Moorefield, W. Va. , August 7. Lieut. W. R. Gaines wounded 
and Adgt. J. W. Marshall and Capt. E. E. Bouldin captured. 

Fisher's Hill, Va., August 13. 

Fisher's Hill, Va., August 15. Charles P. Noell wounded. 

80 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Kernstown, Va., August 17. 

Winchester, Va., August 17. 

Opequon, Va., August 19, 20. 

Charlestown, W. Va., August 21. 

Summit Point, W. Va., August 21. 

Halltown, W. Va. , August 22. 

Charlestown, W. Va., August 23. 

Kearneysville, W. Va., August 25. 

Leetown, W. Va., August 26. 

Smithfield, W. Va., August 28. 

Opequon, Va. , August 29. 

Brucetown, Va., August 30. Rice Dennis wounded. 

Opequon, Va., September 1. 

Bunker Hill, Va. , September 3. Henry Watkins killed. 

Stephenson's Depot, Va., September 5. 

Big Spring, W. Va., September 10. 

Darkesville, W. Va., September 10. 

Darkesville, W. Va., September 12. 

Opequon, Va. , September 19. 

Winchester, Va. , September 19. 

Front Royal Pike, Va., September 21. 

Milford, Va., September 22. 

Luray, Va. , September 24. 

Port Republic, Va., September 26. 

Waynesboro, Va., September 29. 

Brown's Gap, Va., October 4. 

Strasburg, Va., October 9. David Dice wounded. 

Fisher's Hill, Va., October 9. 

Woodstock, Va., October 10. 

Cedar Creek, Va., October 11. Charles Hundley wounded. 

Stony Point, Va., October 19. 

Bentonville, Va., October 23. 

Milford, Va., October 25, 26. 

Cedarville, Va., November 12. Andrew Beirne wounded, cap- 
tured and died in prison. Thos. N. Read and B. W. Wood 

Front Royal, Va., November 22. 

Berry's Ford, Va. , December 17. 

Madison C. H., Va., December 20. 

Historical Memorial of the Charlotte Cavalry. 81 

Liberty Mills, Va., December 22. 
Jack's Shop, Va. , December 23. 
Gordonsville, Va., December 24. 

1865. ( The Regiment was furlong hed for two months and tra?isferred 
to Beak' s Brigade, East Virginia, IV. TL F. Lee' s Division.) 

Quaker Road, Va., March 29. 

White Oak Road, Va., March 31. Isaac Friend wounded 
second time. 

Five Forks, Va., April 1. Henry P. Dickerson, Albert Moses 
and George W. Read wounded. 

Avery's Church Road, Va., April 4. Hunter H. Marshall, Jr., 

Amelia Springs, Va., April 5. 

Jetersville, Va., April 6. 

Deatonsville, Va., April 6. 

High Bridge, Va,, April 6. 

Farmville, Va., April 7. Dallas Kent wounded. 

Appomattox C. H., Va., April 9. M. C. Morris wounded. 
Henry Dice killed. 

E. E. BOULDIN, formerly Captain Charlotte Cavalry, 
Company B, 14th Virginia Cavalry, C. S. A. 

Danville, Va., June 21, 1906. 

Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the News Leader, September 8, 1906. 



Judge William Izard Clopton's Description of the Naval 

Engagement — a Valuable Addition to Civil War 

History — Facts Heretofore Unpublished. 

The following report of the great naval battle of Drewry's 
Bluff was prepared and delivered to a large audience at Ches- 
terfield Courthouse, Tuesday afternoon, September 4, 1906, by 
Judge William I. Clopton. In speaking of this address, Judge 
Clopton said: 

"There is no effort at elocutionary pyrotechnics, nor any 
flowery eloquence. It is simply an historical report of what actu- 
ally happened in an event which was fraught with so much 
moment to Richmond in the stirring times of the Civil War. 
The naval engagement here related is the one which prevented 
the men of war of the enemy from coming up to Richmond and 
bombarding the city in 1862." 

In treating the facts concerning 1 the naval battle which oc- 
curred at Drewry's Bluff, May 15, 1862, I am aware that much 
controversy has arisen as to the true state of facts. 

The usual source of information is the official reports, but 
as these are strangely oblivious of the part taken in this very 
important battle by the Chesterfield company, commanded by 
Captain Augustus H. Drewry, I shall confine my account to the 
descriptions given to me by Captain (afterwards major) Drewry, 
and Sergeant Samuel A. Mann, which latter account is vouched 
for as true, by Dr. Thomas J. Cheatham, who certified that he 
was present during the whole action and that Sergeant Mann's 
account is correct in all respects. 

I can perform this service in no better way than by simply 
reading Sergeant Mann's plain and simple, but very eloquent 
account of the battle, and by reading Major Drewry's account of 

. New Light on the Great Drewry's Bluj} Fight. 83 

the building of the fort, and the part taken by his company in 
the battle: 

Major Drewry's Letter. 

Judge W. I. Clopton; 

Dear Judge : — Referring to the conversation which passed 
between us at the office of our mutual friend, Judge George L. 
Christian, I have only to say that the present is the first moment 
which I have felt that I could give any attention to your request, 
and even now I am forced to do so under circumstances which 
will not allow me to do justice to the matter in question. Never- 
theless I submit the following: 

Early in 1862, when General McDowell was preparing for 
an advance upon Richmond from the direction of Fredericks- 
burg, and General McClellan was moving up from the Penin- 
sula, the Governor of Virginia was authorized by act of the 
Confederate Congress, then in session, to call for 2,000 men 
to man the batteries around Richmond. When Captain J. B. 
Jones and myself, in view of the advantages which would be 
enjoyed by the people of Chesterfield to enlist in"its service, 
raised a company, composed largely of men who were beyond 
the age of conscription, and tendered our services to the Gov- 
ernor. By whom we were accepted and assigned to duty at 
Battery No. 19, on the turnpike, between Drewry's Bluff and 
the city of Richmond. After being there a while, I came to the 
conclusion that our position was unimportant, and that we would 
likely be called to field duty, for which I did not think my men 
were well suited; hence, I went over to see General Lee, and 
suggested to him the propriety of obstructing the river, and the 
establishment of a fort at some selected point, and let me take 
my command down there for service, for which they were well 
suited. To all of which he readily agreed, in view of the fact 
which was clearly foreshadowed that Norfolk would soon be 
evacuated, and the river open to a raid upon the Confederate cap- 
ital by the Federal gunboats. The following day, accompanied 
by Major Rives and Lieutenant Mason, of the engineers depart- 
ment, we went down the river to select a suitable position. 
Upon reaching Howlett's, which is at the head of the Horse 

84 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Shoe, forming Dutch Gap, we concluded that was the best 
place, both on account of its great elevation, and the more 
even depth of the river at that point, with an abundance of tim- 
ber on either bank for the obstructions; soon, however, upon 
the examination of some charts of the river, which we had with 
us, it was seen that the Federals might cut through at the Gap, 
and pass on up the river, and we would have to go above for 
our fortifications. Then Drewry's Bluff was found to be the next 
best place. Thither I removed my command the following day, 
and went to work with Lieutenant Mason, in helping to ob- 
struct the river and throw up the fort, furnishing him details from 
my company, who put in the cribbing, employing my team, labor 
and company to aid him, which was likewise done by other 
members in my command. So the work went on pretty much 
after the order of a private enterprise until a short while before 
Norfolk was evacuated, when the remnant of our navy made 
their appearance in their flight before the Federal gunboats, ter- 
ribly demoralized, and surprised that we should think of resist- 
ing those heretofore victorious and invincible gunboats. With 
some persuasion they were induced to stop with us, and planted 
themselves on the river above our fort, with assurance that we 
could take proper care of them. The Confederate authorities 
and the City Council of Richmond had in the meantime become 
alive to the importance of our work, and gave us considerable 
help to its completion. It is true that Captain Farrand, who 
had been run out from Mobile, was sent down ; he messed with 
me and would occasionally sally out to look after his defunct 
navy, but his being there was more of an accident than otherwise, 
and he did not undertake to interfere with my command in the 
fort, which bore the brunt of the fight, and I am not aware 
that any man connected with the navy put his hand upon any 
gun in the fort during that engagement. After the fight, Cap- 
tain Farrand reported to Mr. Mallory for the navy, and I, upon 
the recommendation of General Mahone, who witnessed the en- 
gagement, reported to Governor Letcher, who communicated 
with the Secretary of War, and upon their recommendation, I 
was promoted to major of artillery, and in the body of my com- 
mission, directed to remain in command of Fort Drewry, which 
I did until it was determined to make a naval post out of it, in 

New Light on the Great Drewry' s Bluff Fight. 85 

command of Captain Lee, and my command was revoked with 

instruction to report to Brigadier-General John H. Walker, 

which I declined to do, as I belonged to the provisional army, 

and they had no right to call upon me elsewhere for duty. I 

have forgotten to mention that the gallant Captain Tucker, of 

the Patrick Henry, did casemate one of his eight-inch guns on the 

river bank, just above the entrance to the fort, but as heavy rain 

had fallen the night before the gunboats reached the fort, its 

whole superstructure fell in, and we lost the benefit of his help, 

until the fight was nearly over ; also that Lieutenant Catesby 

Jones did have a nine-inch Dahlgren in position around the 

curve in the river, but being out of range, he could not render 

us any help. 

(Signed) A. H. Drewry. 


The company afterwards known as the "Southside Heavy 
Artillery of Virginia Volunteers," was enlisted early in January, 
1862, and towards the latter part of the month, assembled at 
Chesterfield Courthouse, where we proceeded to elect our com- 
missioned officers, with the following results : 

For Captain — Augustus H. Drewry. 

For First Lieutenant — James B. Jones. 

For Second Lieutenant — Spencer D. Ivey, and 

For Third Lieutenant — Dickerson V. Wilson. 

All of the lieutenants had been officers in the Chesterfield 
militia, in which Lieutenant Wilson had held the rank of cap- 
tain. We then returned to our homes subject to a call to service 
in the Confederate States army, which had been at war with the 
United States army for about ten months, with varied success, 
previous to this time. 

When on the 5th day of February, 1862, those of us who 
lived on this side of the county took train for Richmond at the 
Pocahontas depot, in the city of Petersburg, and were put off 
opposite to, and went into camp with the rest of the company 
at Battery No. 19, on the turnpike, a little south of Manchester, 
the day that the writer of this lacked eleven days of being twenty 

86 Southern Historical Society Papei 


years old. Our quarters consisted of a ridge pole set up east 
and west, with plank set up on each side, at an angle of about 
forty-five degrees, and covered so as to break joints, and formed 
a very good storm-proof roof, with no light or ventilation, but 
such as could come in at the end doors and cracks through the 
roof. The east end was partitioned off for officers' quarters. 
We found it erected, and bunks inside, filled with clean straw 
for beds. 

And the writer met the largest majority of the members 
of the company on this day for the first time. 

Thus we began our army life. 

Soon we were allowed to elect our non-commissioned offi- 
cers, when Colonel Robert Watkins, of the Chesterfield militia, 
was elected first orderly sergeant, and I was chosen third cor- 

Shortly an officer who had lost an eye at First Manassas, 
came over from Richmond, and mustered us into service of the 
Confederate States of America, Colonel Joe. Selden. 

The ages of the men of the company ranged all the way be- 
tween seventeen to about forty-five or fifty years, and were, by 
occupation, mostly farmers, with a sprinkling of carpenters, cot- 
ton-mill hands, with some gentlemen. 

On the 28th of February, in the afternoon, we were marched 
over to the old armory in Richmond, and were furnished our 
first muskets of Virginia make, which had been altered front 
flint-lock to percussion. Then we were marched back to camp, 
late on a cold, blustering evening. 

About this time a man who was a Scotchman, McFarland, 
spare-built, and appeared to be about thirty-five years of age, who 
told us that he had been a soldier for sixteen years ; first in Eng- 
land, and lately in the United States army, was sent down to us 
as drill-master, and began to teach us our facing, and the manual 
of arms, according to Hardee (Lieutenant Wilson had taught 
some of us the year before according to Scott), and after we 
had made some progress, we acted as provost guard in Manches- 
ter for about ten days. Then we proceeded to erect good, two- 
room frame houses for quarters, and had occupied some of 
them, when, on the 17th day of March, with drums beating and 

JSeio Light on the Great Drewry 9 s Bluff Fight. 87 

colors flying, accompanied with all our impediments, we were 
marched along the turnpike, down to Drewry's Bluff, on the 
"Noble James river," about seven miles below Richmond, and . 
bivouacked at the future "Gibraltar" that night, grumbling about 
the hard fate that had overtaken us, at having been turned out 
of our nice new houses and forced to make our beds on the 
bare ground. 

Then Captain Drewry took us in hand, and with his accus- 
tomed energy, hurried us on towards erecting log-cabins for 
quarters, and preparing the battery for mounting guns, &c. — 
the fort had been laid out by Lieutenant Mason, of the engi- 
neers — sometimes we were forced to work on it day and 
night. After a busy time, the quarters were finished, 
and occupied, and emplacements to hold three heavy guns 
were prepared on the river face of the bluff. The two 
eight-inch Columbiads, which we were told had been constructed 
at the Bellona arsenal, in Chesterfield county, on the upper James 
river, above Richmond, were sent down the river on lighters, 
drawn by tugs, to the wharf, erected at the mouth of the ravine, 
just east of the fort. Then the heavy work of landing them and 
hauling them up the steep incline-railway to the level of the 
fort, ninety feet above the water began, and after severe labor 
finished, and they were at their places in the battery, ready to 
be mounted. 

Then after skilled w r orkmen had built substantial foundations 
and laid down level platforms, and laid out the traverse circles, 
we, under Colonel Robert Tansell, who wore the full regimentals 
as colonel of artillery, proceeded to mount them to their places by 
the aid of a "gin" and much heavy pulling on ropes by hand. 

After which our aforementioned Scotchman, Robert Stuart 
McFarland, (Major Drewry employed him), by name, began to 
teach us the manual of the heavy artillery tactics, showing us 
how to go to our places for action, take implements, sponge, 
load, in battery, point and fire, all of which motions we had to 
go through with "at double quick time." And from thence for- 
ward every day, and almost all day long, we were kept at severe 
drill at the heavy guns. 

About this time a man named McMellon (Major Drewry 

88 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

employed him), who had belonged to the Ordnance Department 
of the English army, came down to teach us what he knew about 
drill at the guns, and how to arrange the powder in the maga- 
zine, and the shells in their houses. He also taught us some 
hygiene exercises. 

They sent us down a ten-inch Columbiad from Richmond, 
which we mounted on the western emplacement, already pre- 
pared, took it in charge, and began to drill with it also. The 
company thus had all three guns under its charge, mounted and 
ready for action, and numbered from east to west, as follows: 
Gun No. I, eight-inch; Gun No. 2, eight-inch (64 pounder), 
and Gun No. 3, ten-inch (128 pounder). I was assigned to Gun 
No. 2, as gunner, and remained at the same post as long as the 
company remained at the fort. 

Meanwhile some workmen were detailed from the company 
— Lieutenant Ivey among them — to work, obstructing the chan- 
nel of the river below the wharf, driving piles with steam pile- 
driver, building cribs and loading them with stone. The steam- 
ers Jamestown and Curtis Peck were sunk at the last moment 
to help make the blockade more secure. 

All of us were thus kept busy until about the first of May, 
when one day, while at work on the battery at the fort, we 
saw several steamers loaded to the guards with soldiers, closely 
following each other, being carried to reinforce the batteries 
down towards the mouth of the river. They seemed to be in 
high spirits, for they cheered us as they passed hastily by. But 
only after a few days we again saw them returning up the 
river, looking sad and apparently very dejected. 

Still we kept at work, when one day late in the afternoon we 
saw the foremost of our battery steamers slowly making their 
way up from Norfolk, which had been evacuated by the Confed- 
erate troops, leaving the navy-yard to fall into the liands 
of Federal forces, and we learned through the newspapers that 
the Merriinac (Virginia), had been blown up, thus leaving our 
river open to this place. 

On Tuesday, May 13, 1862. about noon, while we were at 
work at the fort, one of our exchange steamers — under flag of 
truce — came up the river, passed up through the blockade, stopped 

New Light on the Great Drewry's Bluff Fight. 89 

in front of the battery, "hailed," and told us to get ready, as 
five gunboats, including the Monitor and Galena, were at Har- 
rison's bar, coming up the river to make an attack on this place. 

Then all was hurry and some confusion, but we kept on 
steadily, making preparation to defend the fort. I think we 
loaded all three guns this day. 

The crew of the Merrimac had, in the meantime, since their 
arrival from Norfolk, a few days before, been busily engaged 
mounting a gun on the river bluff, outside of a little to the west 
of the fort, covering it with heavy logs, so as to form a case- 
ment over it, and another, maybe still higher up the river, this 
latter was out of range. 

We were told by some of our working party that some of 
their working party declared that to attempt to defend the place 
would only make it a slaughter pen, and they further told our 
men that the boats would run our company out of the battery in 
five minutes after the action began. 

Wednesday, May 14th, every one very busy making things 
ready at the battery, when near towards noon, probably, the 
boats having reached a point around the bend in the river to 
eastward, and out of sight from us in the fort (for the large 
ravine east, southeast and south from it, was then covered with 
original forest growth), fired a shot, directed over the fort, 
although high overhead, but we were startled by its vicious rush 
through the air, and as it was the first hostile one many of us 
had ever heard, besides it was of gigantic size, compared to 
those generally used, and we heard it drop away back toward 
the turnpike. But they did not fire another that day, and we 
kept on at work until night, and were told before we retired 
to our quarters that a signal shot would be fired by the sentry 
on post at the battery, as a signal, that the hostile boats had ap- 
peared around the bend at Chaffin's Bluff, and to warn us to 
hurry to the fort, and to take our places at the guns. But none 
were fired that night, so most of us slept very well, but some of 
the men were kept at work all night. 

Thursday, May 15, 1862, was cloudy, after smart rain last 
night, and likely for more to-day; some light showers fell. We 

90 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

were up early, and about 6 o'clock A. M., while my mess were 
at breakfast, we heard the expected signal musket fired from the 
battery ; when each one taking a biscuit in his hand, hurried 
silently to the fort. When upon arriving there, we found the 
working party toting sand-bags (which had been filled on the 
outside), to inside, and placing them so as to form embrasures 
to the gun. And we were ordered to assist them, which we 
did to the last moment. Meanwhile we could see the five gun- 
boats in the reach below, and very slowly making their way to- 
wards us, firing some guns to right and left towards some pick- 
ets in the field on our side, and at some guns of the "Washington 
Artillery" — as we were told, stationed on Chaffin's Bluff, who 
speedily retired out of range. The boats then continued on, 
nearer and nearer (and we still toting up sand-bags from outside 
and next to them), until they got so near we made a rush for 
the gun, but Captain Farrand, the naval officer, ordered us not 
to fire until he gave the word. Then we waited with baited 

Meanwhile we got to our stations at Gun, No. 2, in the fol- 
lowing order: Post No. 1, Richard H. Pond; Post No. 2, John 
Hamilton; Post No. 3, Richard E. Jordan, and Post No. 4, 
Watkins Coleman. Calvin T. Taylor brought the powder from 
the magazine to us, and Archibald W. Archer, with Stephen 
B. Ellis, handed up the shot. I took my place upon the turn- 
table, behind the breech, to act as gunner. 

This detachment was not relieved, but continued to serve 
during the whole time that the battle went on. 

Robert S. McFarland, our drill master, went to Gun No. 1, 
to act as gunner, with enough men to make three detachments, 
with corporals to serve vent. I am not informed as to their 
names as a whole. 

Captain Farrand, the naval officer, Captain Drewry, with 
Lieutenant Wilson, took their stations at my gun (No. 2), Lieu- 
tenant Jones also stayed there some ; we were well looked after. 

Captain Jordan, of the Bedford Artillery, with his men, 
took charge of the ten-inch (Gun No. 3) ; I think they came to 
the fort the night before. 

New Light on the Great Drewrifs Bluff Fight. 91 

Thus we stood, ready for the word to "commence firing" 
at the proper time. 

The boats, continuing to advance, finally took up the follow- 
ing positions : The three wooden ones — Aroostock, Port Royal 
and Naugatucket, lay to and stood about "bows on" at the 
mouth of Wilton creek, which enters on the north side of the 
river, about three-fourths of a mile from the fort, and hugged 
the bank pretty well. The Monitor and Galena — iron-clads — ■ 
kept on till about six hundred yards from the fort, when the 
Galena stopped, turned "broadside," with her stern not far 
from the Chesterfield low water-mark, and threw out her an- 
chors. The Monitor took up her position nearly abreast of the 
the Galena, going over her flag-staff, and struck a lime-pile on 
river. And from where we stood she looked pretty much like 
a barge inverted tank, on a very low raft, and we did not need 
to be told her name, for we knew her at a glance. 

Some weeks before this day after we could handle the guns 
pretty well, an army officer, who had been at Roanoke Island, 
came to the fort and to my gun (No. 2), and showed us how to 
fire two five-second shells from said gun, being the first and only 
I had ever heard fired and exploded up to that time. I acted as 
Post No. 1, and he acted as gunner, and explained to me very 
carefully about pointing the gun for that range. 

As soon as the last beat took position Captain Farrand 
shouted: "As soon as you get a chance fire on them!" When 
Captain Drewry, seeing me about to point the gun, climbed up 
to me, and said : "Let me aim this gun," when I stood and looked 
over his shoulder, and thinking about what I had been told by 
the officer aforementioned about the range, said to him : "Cap- 
tain, you are aiming the gun too high." He replied : "Oh, no, 
you come with me," when we went to windward to avoid the 
smoke, had the gun fired, and saw the shot just miss the top of 
the Galena, going over her flag-staff, and struck a lime-pile on 
the right short, some distance beyond. Then he turned to me 
and said: "You go try your hand." This, I think, was the first 
shot fired during the engagement. Then I ran back to my post 
on the gun, served the vent — the detachment continuing to load 
as coolly as if on parade. We ran the gun " in battery " and I 
pointed it, aiming at the Galena "amid-ship," about half-way 

92 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

up her shield, ran to my post of observation. Then Lieutenant 
Wilson again gave the order to "fire" in his most stentorious 
tones. When the shot struck pretty much where it had been 
aimed, and glanced off, and the last I saw of it, it was vanish- 
ing in the distance, towards Chaffin's Bluff, but it left a visible 
scar on the boat. 

Gun No. i had also been "fired," presumably with good re- 
sults as its gunner was considered an expert, and was a brave 

Captain Jordan's ten-inch gun had been fired, shortly making 
a most deafening report, and the gun was disabled with the 
violence of its recoil, which came very near to dismounting it, 
as the carriage ran back with such force as to knock off the 
"rear-hurters" on the turn-table, thus preventing its being run 
"in battery." And it only resumed its fire near the end of the 

The naval gun, just west of the battery, was also disabled 
by having its casemate of heavy logs cave in on it. Thus leav- 
ing Captain Drewry's Company with the two eight-inch guns 
(64 pounders) to continue the fight alone, and both guns contin- 
ued to fire as fast as possible to the end of the battle. 

As soon as we opened fire every gunboat simultaneously 
commenced pouring their huge shells into us. All the boats 
using one hundred-pound (parrott) rifle shells, except the Moni- 
tor, which used her two eleven-inch (11) smooth-bore (Dahl- 
gren) gunshells, which weighed about one hundred and sixty 
(160) pounds. And I have thought that when the first broad- 
side of four shells from the Galena passed just over the crest 
of our parapets and exploded in our rear, scattering their frag- 
ments in every direction, together with the sounds of the shells 
from the others, which flew wide of the mark, mingled with 
the roar of our guns, was the most startling, terrifying and 
diabolical sound which I had ever heard or ever expected to 
hear again. 

With "blanched," but earnest faces, we continued to pelt 
the flagship. Galena, trying to penetrate her armor, which we 
finally did at the water-line, when the shot could be seen com- 
ing out of and tearing up her deck, after glancing up, having 
been deflected by something inside of her hull. 

New Light on the Great Drewry's Bluff Fight. 93 

Thus the unequalled struggle went on for four long hours, 
and it looked, sometimes, like they would finally overcome us. 
But many a secret prayer was offered up to Heaven from anx- 
ious, if not faithful hearts, to the Ruler of the Universe, and 
God was very good that day, for "He delivered our souls in 
peace from the battle that was against us" — for not a man of 
the company was seriously hurt. Although Lieutenant Wilson, 
who was a strong, heavy man, of about thirty years of age, had 
been dashed to the ground very violently by a shell, which came 
through the cordon of sand bags very near him, and I had re- 
ceived a heavy fall, as at one time, I was making a dash from 
my post where I could observe the effect of our shot, back to 
where I served the vent — stumbled over the rammer and fell 
heavily on the hard platform. But neither of us was much 
hurt, and no one had been disabled, which seemed miraculous. 
And our company was thus enabled to contribute fully towards 
repulsing the formidable and hitherto victorious fleet of Federal 

Captain Jordan, together with our navy had seven men 
killed while trying to remount their guns. And I believe they 
were all struck down while our two guns were silent toward the 
end of the action, when we were ordered by Captain Farrand 
to "cease firing for half an hour," presumably to save our ammu- 
nition. But we had to commence firing again long before the 
time expired. For the commander of the Federal fleet, no doubt, 
thinking that all of our guns had been silenced, signaled to the 
three wooden boats, which immediately advanced and took up 
a new position, right behind the Monitor, Galena, and all five 
of them redoubled their fire on our batteries. And I have al- 
ways thought that it was at this time all the casualties on our 
side took place. As we heard the first outcry of the unfor- 
tunate wounded while we were lying down with all our guns 

About this time a naval officer walked down and said to me, 
"we must commence to fire again, as the boats are now firing 
into our men." So without further waiting we all resumed our 
posts for action at the guns. When Captain Drewry, on seeing 
how the boats had been concentrated, commanded in a very confi- 
dent tone of voice : " Fire on those wooden boats and make them 

94 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

leave there," when both of our guns resumed fire, and put some 
shot through them broadside, when shortly, I think I saw a 
shell from the ten-inch gun — which had at last been remounted, 
burst on the deck of the Galena, and I am not sure, but that 
Captain Tucker's naval gun also began to lend its aid at the 
"eleventh" hour. 

Then after both sides had exchanged a few more rounds, 
I saw a peculiar flag (to me) slowly creeping up the small iron 
mast of the Galena, so I called to the men and cried: "Look 
out, they are going to try some other scheme." When at once, 
(about 11:05 o'clock), after the fight had been going on fully 
four long hours, the three wooden boats turned and began to 
steam rapidly down the river, followed more slowly by the Moni- 
tor and Galena. 

Captain Farrand immediately gave the command : "Cease fir- 
ing," but as my gun had just been sponged, preparatory to 
loading it, and my enthusiasm got the better of my discipline, for 
my spirits had now risen several degrees above despondency, I 
said to Lieutenant Wilson : "Let us give them a parting salute." 
Lie replied: "Don't care if you do." No other objection being 
raised about our thus disobeying orders, we loaded the gun as 
fast as we possibly could, and by the time we got it "in bat- 
tery" the wooden boats had gotten nearly a mile from us. 
So after pointing carefully and giving what was thought to be 
the proper elevation, when after most of the men, including 
Captain Farrand, had jumped to the top of the parapet to watch 
the shot on being fired, fell a little short, but ricochetting, struck 
the boat, which we took to be the Naugatucket, about half-way 
from deck and water, directly astern. Dick Pond, our No. 1, 
afterwards declared that the hole made by the shot into the 
boat looked as large as a flour-barrel, and must have done some 
damage to her. 

Then we tossed our caps into the air, and shouted our cry 
of victory. 

After which Captain Drewry took us in hand, and said: 
"Don't a man leave for the quarters, for I want you to fix up 
these parapets that have been knocked down, and those sand- 
bags torn to pieces, must be replaced and get ready for them, 
for the boats will probably be back here again in two hours. 

But thev never returned again. 

New Light on the Great Drewry's Bluff Fight. 95 

President Jefferson Davis, with General Robert E. Lee, 
having galloped down from Richmond, came to Gun No. 2, soon 
after the firing ceased. The General showed us how to replace 
the sand-bags, and both seemed well pleased with the results of 
the engagement. 

Thus the writer of this who had never been absent from 
duty since the company had been mustered in, must have made 
it clear to the reader that Captain Drewry, with his company, 
of most all Chesterfield men — he and most of them plain farm- 
ers — had by his indomitable pluck, skill and daring, almost un- 
aided, as has been shown — won a remarkable victory that day. 

As has been said, the guns not disabled had also been made 
in the county. And so: 

" The Monitor was astonished, 
And the Galena admonished, 
And their efforts to ascend the stream 
Were mocked at. 

" While the dreadful Naugatuck, 
With the hardest kind of luck, 
Was very nearly knocked 

Into a cocked-hat." 

And the behavior of the officers and men of the company 
on that occasion, under the circumstances, was extraordinary. 

Captain Drewry and Lieutenant Wilson, at my gun, were 
alert and aggressive, and seemed to be devoid of fear, and the 
men, judging from those that worked Gun No. 2 (and were not 
relieved during the four trying hours), could not have been ex- 
celled by veterans or regulars for coolness, cheerfulness, skill 
and courage of a high order. 

It was true that some of the sick ran home, and many of 
the unemployed were dreadfully demoralized. But that kind of 
timidity is usual among men in all commands, while receiving 
their baptism of fire and unable to defend themselves. 

The disabling of Gun No. 1 (ten-inch), in charge of Cap- 
tain Jordan's company, has been alluded to, but I will state fur- 
ther that it was badly disabled at the time of the first fire, by 
a too severe recoil, and for some time we thought that it had been 
handled awkwardly, and the mishap had been caused by its 

96 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

having been fired "in gear." But we afterward came to the con- 
clusion that it had in two charges of both powder and shot, as 
the report was very loud, indeed, as burnt grains of powder 
fell at our gun (the line of fire being very oblique). It re- 
mained disabled nearly the whole time. 

And Captain Tucker's naval gun, as before mentioned, was 
disabled by the rain causing its superstructure to give away 
so that its casemate of heavy logs caved in on it, which deprived 
us of their help also, until near the end of the fight. 

•No doubt the moral effect caused by the presence of the 
crew of the Merrimac was great. But otherwise without any 
fault of theirs, they rendered very little help towards the re- 
pulse of the hostile fleet of gunboats. It was true that Cap- 
tain Farrand, with his professional skill, in giving very pertinent 
commands, rendered valuable aid. Yet they have always claimed 
the almost entire credit for the victory. And but for the fact 
that Captain Drewry was promoted to the rank of major of ar- 
tillery, and ordered to take command of the main fort at Drew- 
ry's Bluff by the Secretary of War, George W. Randolph, upon 
the recommendation of General William Mahone, who had wit- 
nessed the fight, seconded by Governor John Letcher, who knew 
of all the circumstances of the defence, his company's claim 
to fame would have been entirely ignored by the officers and 
men of the Confederate navy, as well as by others higher in com- 
mand. But truth struck down will rise again. When history, as 
well as posterity, will finally be compelled to give honor to whom 
honor is due. 

Perhaps, here, it would be well to state that our skill of 
gunnery and the effectiveness of our fire, were greatly aided by 
the fact that, unfortunately for us, the Monitor and Galena (the 
front sights of our guns being short), came within point-blank 
range, thus rendering themselves conspicuous targets easy to hit, 
so that we wasted very few shots. Our height, ninety feet 
above the water, caused the line of fire of our guns to be about 
three degrees depression to reach them, while theirs on the 
contrary, had to be about the same degrees of elevation to reach 

It is now useless to discuss the "might have beens," but if 
our two guns had been ten-inch calibre instead of eight-inch, 

New Light on the Great Drewry* s Stuff Fight. 97 

thus making the projectiles . as heavy, the Galena would have 
been rendered a total wreck. 

Captain Drewry was pleased to compliment me for the part 
taken by me in the affair, and our expert, McFarland, held my 
skill as gunner in great repute after that time. 

As has been said, the fire of the fleet killed seven Confed- 
erates and battered the parapets of the fort badly, and also shot 
our large flag to pieces and cut down trees of all kinds and sizes, 
for they did not seem to offer any resistance to their huge, blust- 
ering projectiles, that were sometimes hurled against them in 

•Now, as to the damage to the fleet. We afterwards heard 
that the Galena lost about forty men — wounded and killed — and 
that she was badly damaged by having her armor jarred loose, 
and her deck ripped up by our shot, after penetrating being de- 
flected upward by chains, anchors, &c, piled on that side for 
the purpose. And that eighteen were killed on board the Nauga- 
tuck by the explosion of one of her own guns, besides other dam- 
age rendered by us. 

Samuel A. Mann. 

I was present during the whole engagement and certify that 
the foregoing is a true statement. Of course, there are many 
things which I observed as a spectator, which Samuel A. Mann, 
being engaged, cot 
servations in full. 

being engaged, could not see: I will give a statement of my ob- 

Thomas J. Cheatham, M. D. 

Thus we find that one of the most wonderful achievements 
of the whole war was the result of the foresight, skill, labor 
and courage of the men of Chesterfield commanders, naval or 
military, and of which the reading public knows nothing. 

The only efficient service in this battle was done by the 
Chesterfield company, commanded by Major A. H. Drewry. 
The two eight-inch guns, which did the fighting, were made at 
Belona arsenal, at his foundry in Chesterfield county, and the 
battery at Drewry's Bluff was constructed by Chesterfield men 
with their own resources, and was built upon land owned by 
Major Drewry. 

A glorious victory over the hitherto invincible navy of the 
United States was achieved and the fall of Richmond was pre- 

98 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

vented, for if the Federal gunboats had succeeded in passing 
Drewry's Bluff on that day the capital of the Confederacy would 
have at once been at their mercy, and the Confederate troops 
would have been compelled to retreat from Richmond, and prob- 
ably from Virginia. This gallant band of Chesterfield men by 
their heroic conduct on this occasion, thus not only saved the capi- 
tal of the Confederacy from capture, but prolonged the war for 
three years, and enabled the "Army of Northern Virginia" to 
write its heroic achievements in blood and fire for three long 
years. The proud record of that magnificent army, which will 
be the boast of all future generations of Virginians, might never 
have been made. 

The men of Chesterfield who composed the Southside Heavy 
Artillery, commanded by Augustus H. Drewry, who drove back 
the iron-clad fleet down the James river on that momentous day 
are justly entitled to the laurel wreath of victors, and should 
ever be cherished in the hearts of their countrymen. 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. 99 


From Petersburg to Appomattox, Thence to North 
Carolina to Join Johnston's Army. 

By HARRY C. TOWNSEND, Corporal 1st Company, Richmond 


January 1st, 1865, Friday. Lying- encamped in winter quarters 
at Mrs. Dunn's farm, near Port Walthall Junction, and about five 
miles northeast of Petersburg. The quiet of the military atmos- 
phere remains undisturbed. We are living in the hope of receiving 
and eating a large New Year's dinner, which the citizens of Virginia 

2d. This has been a day of disappointment. Our expected 
dinner was delayed until patience was exhausted, and then when it 
came it was of such meagre dimensions that we concluded to give 
our portion to the other companies of the battalion. We bore our 
disappointment quite well however under the circumstances. 

3d-nth. All quiet. Succession of rains and warm sunny days. 

12th. Went to Richmond (on mail pass) and returned on the 13th, 
finding everything "in statu quo." 

14th. All quiet. 

15th. Sunday. Heard Mr. Oliver preach this morning. On 
guard today, and tonight. 

16th. Wrote to Mr. E , things remaining very quiet. 

i7~2oth. No change to record in the aspect of affairs; com- 
menced today repairing some damages in our breastworks, caused 
by the late heavy rains. 

2 1st. Wrote to mother; cold and rainy; all quiet. 

22-25th. No change in the aspect of military affairs. 

26th. Employed ourselves in getting a load of wood, which was 
pretty cold work. 

27th. Wrote to . All remains quiet. 

28th. Exceedingly cold. A rumor current in camp that General 
Jos. E. Johnston has been given command of this army in place of 
General Lee, who is appointed General-in-Chief. This is supposed 
to have been done at the request of General Lee, who thinks that 

100 Southern Historical Society Peepers. 

he cannot be Commanding' General and retain command of this 

29th. Sunday. All quiet. Captain Anderson, commanding 
battalion, requested me to act as Sergeant-Major of same, until the 
8th, Mr. Blair having received leave of absence until that time. 
I requested him to get someone else, but he demurred at this, and 
I therefore consented to the proposition. 

30th. Transferred myself to headquarters of battalion; find Lieu- 
tenant Falligan, who is acting Adjutant, quite a pleasant gentleman. 

31st. All remains "statu quo." 

February 1st. Nothing of consequence occurring. Received a 
barrel of vegetables, etc., from home. 

2d. Our slumber disturbed this morning by the quick discharge 
of musketry, supposing it to be some false alarm we did not arise. 
Learned afterwards that it was an attack on the enemy's pickets by 
our forces, who succeeded in capturing a few. Papers of today 
state that General Lee was on yesterday appointed by the Senate 
General-in-Chief. Problem. Who will command this army now ? 

3~-4th. All remaining quiet; on the 3rd were paid three months 
wages ($55), by the quartermaster. Lieutenant Falligan went off 
on 24 days' furlough this morning (3rd), and I am now acting 
Adjutant of the battalion. 

5th. All is quiet today. Remained in camp until evening, when 
I paid a visit to the company, and afterwards went to hear Mr. 
Oliver preach. 

6th. Received a letter from and answered it. The dis- 
tant booming of cannon this morning broke the reign of quiet which 
has held us in subjection so long. The firing was quite heavy and 
rapid, and indicated the progress of a severe fight. Reports state 
it to be an attempt of the enemy to take possession of Dinwiddie 
Courthouse, which brings them within striking distance of the Dan- 
ville railroad. A very improbable rumor states that the enemy 
have possession of Dinwiddie courthouse. 

7th. The papers of today state that it was merely the cavalry of 
the enemy which attacked our lines at Dinwiddie Courthouse, and 
that the attack was repulsed with heavy loss. Quite heavy and 
rapid firing is still maintained in that direction, however, and it is 
probable that the fight is not over. Wrote to mother. 

8th. Still at headquarters, where it is likely I shall be compelled 
to remain until the 14th instant, as Blair's furlough has been 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. 101 

extended five days and I have sent it to him by today's mail. This 
is not a very pleasant prospect to me, as the loneliness of the place 
is decidedly disagreeable. 

9th. All very quiet. Weather quite cold. Blair not having 
arrived as yet, I suppose that he has received his extension of 

10th. All quiet. 

nth, The papers of today have an order from Adjutant 
General's office announcing the appointment of General Robert E. 
Lee as General-in-Chief of the Confederate armies. This gives 
universal satisfaction, and will silence the voice of croakers and 
dispel, in a great measure, the gloom which has filled the hearts of 
the people for sometime. Papers of today contain also, notice of 
the grand indignation meeting held in Richmond to send back a fit 
answer to Mr. Lincoln's insulting propositions. The lion is at length 
aroused; let them beware, who have awakened him. 

1 2th, Sunday. All quiet; went to Carlton's church and heard 
Mr. Oliver preach in the morning; and in the afternoon heard Mr. 
Gardner at our company church — a bitter cold day. 

13th. Wrote to father and also to mother. Nothing of interest 

14th. Blair returned today, much to my satisfaction, and I was 
enabled to return to camp. 

1 5-1 6th. All quiet. A rumor prevalent in camp, imported from 
Richmond, to the effect that Thomas is marching with his army by 
way of Fredericksburg. This story bears an air of probability. 

17th. All quiet during the day. ' At about n 130 o'clock at night 
the Yankee gunboat in the river threw a shell into our camp, dis- 
turbing our slumbers somewhat and causing us to rise and go out 
to the breastworks, remaining there a short while. As it was not 
repeated we went to bed again. 

I9th-2ist. All quiet; T. E. and S. B. A. went home on the 
20th. Commenced a newspaper arrangement on the same day. 
Wrote to Examiner on 21st. 

22d. The Yankee celebrated this day with a great many salutes, 
as usual; very pleasant weather. General Pendleton was here 
to-day, and says that furloughs have been stopped, and that we may 
expect a fight very soon. Captain P. says that it is supposed that 
Grant will attempt to open communication with Sherman. Wrote 
to the Examiner. 

102 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

23rd. Disturbed by rumor and report of the movement of troops, 
and the evacuation of Petersburg. It is supposed that these troops 
are going in the direction of Burkeville or Danville. 

24th. Received orders today to hold ourselves in readiness to 
move at a moment's warning. 

25th. Expecting to receive orders to move. Rodes' (now Grymes") 
Division, was taken from our front today and carried to the right. 
General Pickett extended his lines so as to cover our front, in addi- 
tion to his former front. 

26-28th. No orders to move as yet. This is owing to the rainy 
weather, which has prevailed during this time, I suppose. 

March i-8th. All quiet. Unprecedented bad weather prevailing. 
Sheridan is out on another raid, but this rain will doubtless defeat 
some of his plans. T. E. and S. B. A returned today. Paid news- 
boy up to 7th, inclusive. Pickett's division removed from the line. 

8-i5th. No excitement prevailing- ; rumors very numerous. 
Sheridan still riding on a raid. Early whipped and his army scat- 
tered. Beautiful weather prevailing, but the roads are still very bad. 

i6-22nd. All quiet; most strangely beautiful weather (for this 
season of the year). Roads in very good condition. The question 
is being asked daily, Why does Grant delay? The opinion is now 
very general that he is waiting for the development of the campaign 
of Messrs Sherman, Thomas and Hancock, whose columns are 
nearly ready to make the co-operating moves which Ulysses deems 
necessary for the capture of Richmond. 

23rd. No change. Election day for members of the Legislature 
passed off quietly. 

24-29th. Still quiet. New York Herald of the 27th received 
here today, states that President Lincoln has gone to City Point for 
the purpose of conferring with General Grant and increasing his 
powers so that he maybe authorized to.offer terms of capitulation !!! 
to General Lee and his army when they surrender, which is 
expected in a very short time. What fools the Yankees are. 

30th. Quite a heavy fight occurred in front of Petersburg last 
night, commencing at 10 o'clock and concluding about 11:30 
o'clock. The artillery and musketry were quite loud upon the 
occasion. Have not heard the result as yet. 

31st. All quiet; firing last night found to proceed from an 
attack made by the enemy upon General Gordon's line in retalia- 
tion, I suppose, for his foray upon them a few nights since. 

Townsend's Diary — January- May, 1865. 103 

April ist. All quiet. 

April 2d. During morning heavy fight was in progress on the 
line near Petersburg, which according to the report received 
resulted rather to our disadvantage. Later in the afternoon we 
received orders to move to Chesterfield Courthouse. At 9 P. M. 
started, marched all night through a very muddy country which 
caused a great deal of baulking by the horses, which were at the 
best very weak. Arrived at our destination at 8 A. M. on the 
3rd, at which time we halted for the double purpose of cooking- 
breakfast and feeding the horses. At 10 A. M. resumed the line of 
march and halted at 9 P. M. within few miles of Goode's Bridge 
over Appomattox river. The enemy pressed our rear closely, but 
were held in check by Mahone's Division. Heard of the evacua- 
tion of Richmond. 

4th. Marched from daybreak until sunset, crossing the Appo- 
mattox river at Goode's Bridge and camping two miles beyond, 
and within seven miles of Amelia Courthouse. The enemy pressing 
us hard, we burned the bridge after crossing. 

5th. Broke camp at 3 A. M. and marched to within a half mile 
of Amelia Courthouse where we struck the main body of the army; 
found the enemy's cavalry across the railroad, and attempting to 
dispute our further advance. To our great dismay we found there 
were no rations for the army which, inasmuch, as we had eaten our 
last the night previous, was rather interesting intelligence. Re- 
ceived orders to take a road running west of the railroad and 
parallel with it, also with the road which the main body of the army 
is to travel. We are to have but a small force of cavalry to guard 
our line of march, which is I think, a very insufficient force to pro- 
tect the very large amount of artillery which will accompany our 
battalion. The battalions of Hardaway, Lightfoot, Lane, Huger, 
Owen, Leyder and our own comprise the force thus sent, being in 
all about one hundred guns. Many rumors are afloat of the 
presence of the Yankee cavalry along the route which it is supposed 
we will take, and it is evident that our position is not altogether a 
safe one. We camped at 9 P. M. within five miles of Clementown 
Mill's Bridge over the Appomattox river. 

6th. Marched at 4 A. M. ; crossed the Appomattox river, 
marched through Cumberland Courthouse, and halted at 11.30 
P. M., within nine miles of Farmville, having travelled 36 miles in 
19% hours. Such an arduous march as this caused a great deal of 

104 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

straggling on the part of the boys, the majority of whom were 
completely broken down, 

7th. Broke camp at daylight and marched 1354 miles, going 
through Curdsville and camping \)A mites beyond New Store, in 
Buckingham county. Several alarming rumors of the nearness of 
the Yankee Cavalry are prevalent, and several stories are told of 
their daring and successful attempts to cut off portions of our 
artillery and wagon trains. Most of them, however, are doubtless 
the creation ot excited imaginations. 

8th. Marched at 1 A. M. ; passed through Appomattox Court- 
house and halted near Appomattox Station, on the Southside 
Railroad at 3 P. M. While engaged in making dinner, a brisk 
skirmishing commenced in our rear, which stragglers reported as 
caused by an appearance in force of our Yankee pursuers. This 
information excited some surprise, and we are disposed to be very 
incredulous in regards to the story, but as the firing continued 
increasing in intensity and nearness, and stray minies began to 
whistle painfully near to us, we commenced preparations to give 
the enemv a befitting reception. We formed our guns in a hollow 
circle of some 40 feet diameter, presenting "war's horrid brazen 
front" on all sides to the advancing foe. These latter soon 
approached, appearing at all sides at the same moment. Although 
we had no infantry to support us, and nothing more than a few 
scattered cavalry with us, we determined that we would sell our 
lives dearly. We loaded with cannister, and as the enemy 
approached our position (which was a miserable one) we poured a 
fire into them which completely broke them. They returned to the 
charge four times and each time were similarly repulsed. This kind 
of reception did not seem to their liking, and they appeared to have 
retired for consultation. At this moment, and while we were 
waiting in expectation of a renewal of the attack, which had 
dwindled into firing between a few skirmishers, orders were received 
from General Walker, who commanded us, to withdraw our guns 
to an adjacent road. We obeyed orders immediately, covering our 
retreat by firing into the enemy's position. Arriving at the road, 
we found an immense quantity of artillery and wagons, which 
shortly after commenced marching in the direction of Lynchburg. 
After travelling that road a short distance, we were ordered to 
countermarch and take a by-path, which led, I know not where. 
We proceeded on this road a short distance, and were then com- 

TownsencVs Diary — January- May, I860. 105 

pelled to retrace our steps a portion of the way, and take another 
path. When we had gone about five miles down this road, and 
passed about half a mile beyond Red Oak Church we halted for the 
night, it being about 2 A. M., and we having marched 23 hours 
almost without rest. 

9th. Moved at 7 A. M., and after a great deal of marching and 
countermarching over about a mile oi the road, on which we camped 
last night, found out that we were cut off from General Lee. 

About this time a courier arrived from General Lee with a 
dispatch for General Walker. This courier should have arrived 
last night, but had difficulty in getting through the Yankee cavalry 
which are around us. The dispatch was in effect: "If you 
can join me with your artillery by daybreak you will be able to do 
me some service, as I will attempt to cut my way out on tomorrow. 
If you find it impossible to do so, adopt the means which, in your 
judgment, shall seem proper under the circumstances. Those in 
your command who may be in favor of continuing the contest may 
report themselves to the town of Lincolnton, in Lincoln county, 
North Carolina, where they may receive further instructions." 

Before the receipt of this dispatch it was resolved as we could not 
get our guns out of the Yankee meshes in which we were prisoned, 
we would dismount, spike and bury the pieces, cut down the 
carriages, disband the companies and disperse the men in small 
squads, with directions to report at the point indicated in General 
Lee's dispatch. These resolutions were immediately carried into 
effect and were the occasion of many solemn and affecting scenes. 
Our company divided itself into numerous squads, the members of 
which, with but few exceptions, were actuated by the determination 
to reach North Carolina if it were possible. The party with which 
I connected myself was composed of sixteen young men whose 
names are as follows : Edward G. Steane, of Richmond; Willie T. 
Eustace, of Louisiana; Harrison Sublett, Richmond; J. B. Ayers, 
Buckingham; Henry C. Barnes, Richmond; S. E. Ayres, Bucking- 
ham; Frank J. Barnes, Richmond; John W. Seay, Buckingham; 
John W. Todd, Richmond; J. Walker Barnes, Stafford; Willie H. 
Page, Richmond; Bird G. Pollard, King William; W. P. Gretter, 
Richmond; O. A. Mosby, Louisa courthouse; Harry C. Townsend, 
Richmond; James S. Carter. These having elected E. G. Steane 
as their leader struck out in the direction of James river, intending 
to cross that and place it between them and the Yankees, purpos- 

106 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ing thereafter to make for the Blue Ridge Mountains and travel 
down to North Carolina. After marching through the woods about 
four miles we halted for the night in an old tobacco barn, which we 
found deserted and in a very retired spot. It was a very pleasant 
situation for a camp, having a bountiful supply of wood on all sides, 
while water was furnished by a pretty little branch which threaded 
its tortuous way through a shallow ravine and a gravelled bed and 
through the long grass. The banks of the little streamlet were 
covered with a luxuriant growth of broom-straw which afforded a 
most welcome repose for our wearied limbs, and where we could 
enjoy the freshness of the scenery. The romantic aspect with which 
the circumstances invested the picture, the noise of the babling 
water, the happy song of the birds, the delicious temperature of the 
wind which fanned our cheeks and cooled our brows, and the 
pleasant thoughts which would spring up despite the many adverse 
circumstances in our present situation. Here we cooked, washed 
and made our arrangements for the night. 

10th. Arose at sunrise, cooked and ate breakfast and took up 
the line of march for Colonel Walker's upon James River, at which 
place we understood that we could obtain transportation across the 
river. We arrived there in a very short time, and were ferried 
across by one of Colonel Walker's negroes, whom we paid thirty 
dollars for the kindness. Before embarking, we made an exchange 
with some of his other servants of some coffee for two dozen eggs. 
After gettiug across we took the road for Amherst Courthouse, 
which was distant about twelve miles. On the road met a great 
many stragglers whose report was that General Lee had surrend- 
ered his whole force to the Yankee Army under General Grant. 

Colonel L of the artillery was one of these stragglers, and was 

not the least demoralized of them. His horse's head was turned 
toward Richmond, and this was, we supposed, his destination. 
However, we paid no attention to these rumors, and marched on to 
within five miles of the Courthouse, when we came to a forked road 
which puzzled us. To settle the difficulty, we sent out scouts to a 
neighboring house, at which, we received directions to turn aside 
from our intended route, as the Yankees were reported to be in 
possession of Amherst Courthouse. The proprietor of the place 
advised us to make for Buffalo Springs, some twenty-five miles 
distant. This gentleman was kind enough to give us eight quarts 
of meal, which was very liberal, considering that he was, himself, 

Toicnsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. 107 

a refugee. We acted upon his suggestion, and leaving the Court- 
house road, struck out for the Buffalo River, which we waded, after 
crossing the South Branch by a log, proceeded about two miles 
into the country, and stopped for the night at the Wesleyan 
Church, about five miles E. N. E. of Amherst Courthouse, and 
about three miles from New Glasgow Station, on the Charlottesville 
and Lynchburg R. R. Here we were very kindly treated by the 
citizens of the neighborhood. Rev. Robert Watts loaned us the 
use of the Church, and sent us an abundant supply of corn bread 
for our supper. Mr. Wood took our meal, cooked it, and made 
our coffee, besides accommodating us in several other ways very 
acceptable. At this place we enjoyed ourselves immensely and 
slept undisturbed. 

April nth. Marched at 8 o'clock this morning and took the 
road for New Glasgow. On the route we passed the house of 
Mr. Maye, at which we obtained some sorghum and had the 
pleasure of conversing a few minutes with a very patriotic and an 
exceedingly pretty young lady — his daughter. Passing the house 
of a Mr. Lipscomb and a Mr. Fletcher, and arrived at New Glasgow, 
a little village of about twenty-five dwellings and two hundred 
inhabitants. Here we met countless rumors for our hindrance. 
Colonel Cabell had just left the place to go to his brother's farm, 
(twelve miles distant) to remain until he could arrive at some 
determination regarding his future course. In view of the report 
that General Lee had surrendered, not only the force present with 
him, but also all of the stragglers that might have been within 
twenty miles of him, at the time of the capitulation, he was under 
the impression that it was his duty to remain in the State until he 
could learn further particulars. In view of his action, several of our 
party were of the opinion that it would be better for us to remain 
in New Glasgow about a day longer in order, if possible, to obtain 
more information. This suggestion met with a great deal of oppo- 
sition, and we left the town and marched about a mile before it 
would be acceded to. It was then agreed to (in order to prevent 
breaking up the party), and having obtained lodgings at the resi- 
dence of Mr. Grinnan (a very kind, worthy gentleman) we put up 
for the night. At New Glasgow, Mr. Pendleton gave us a small 
quantity of sorghum and Mr. R. A. Coghill a day's rations of meal 
and bacon. In the country, near Mr. Grinnan' s, we obtained a 
quart of buttermilk. Truly God has thrown our lines into pleasant 

108 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

places, and provided for us upon this march. In addition to a very- 
comfortable lodging place, Mr. Grinnan sent out to us a supper, 
consisting of eggs, bread and sorghum, which we relished very much. 

1 2th. This morning Mr. Grinnan sent us some eggs for break- 
fast and, when about to start, a collection of pies and puffs, which 
was a most unexpected treat. After thanking this hospitable family 
for the great kindness they had shown us, we started for Buffalo 
Springs. After marching about a mile, we came to a Mrs. Cole- 
man's, who gave us about twenty pounds of meal and a pint of 
sorghum (which latter was exactly half of what she had). About 
two and a half miles further a Mr. Coleman (brother to the lady), 
gave us two quarts of sorghum. At Mrs. Wm. Saunders', on 
Buffalo River, we were given a shoulder of bacon. 

After passing this last-mentioned place, we had to ascend some 
exceedingly high hills, the climbing of which caused us to puff and 
blow considerably. From this summit a view of great beauty is 
presented the beholder. Below stretches a short and picturesque 
valley, through which the waters of the Buffalo distribute them- 
selves, looking like a huge snake lying at ease upon Nature's green 
carpet. Around, above, are mountains, in all of their grand and 
varied proportions, with thin cloud-capped heads rising high into 
the upper firmament. On each side were numerous beautiful 
residences, which completed the illusion that the scene was apt to 
produce upon the mind of the traveler, viz: that another Sivitzerland 
had sprung into existence in this New World of ours. As I gazed 
upon this picture, involuntarily a sigh escaped me, which was 
provoked by the thought that would thrust its skeleton head before 
me. "How soon may the hand of war, with all of its blighting 
influences, change the beauty of this scene into desolation and ruin." 
Turning aside from the contemplation ot this picture, we continued 
our journey. After going a short distance, we arrived opposite the 
residences of Dr. James Taliaferro and Mr. William Hill, to both of 
which places we sent foragers. From the former we obtained half 
of a middling of bacon, and from the latter, after much persuasion, 
a canteen of sorghum. We pressed on further, and came to the 
house of Mr. Taliaferro, who gave us about five pounds of bacon. 
About a half mile further, we obtained a canteen of sorghum from 
a gentleman, whose name we did not hear. At about 6 P. M. we 
arrived at Buffalo Springs, where we obtained sleeping accommoda- 
tions for the night, and by the kindness of Mr. Turner, the pro- 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. 109 

prietor, had our provisions cooked, and our clothing- washed. The 
only objections we had to the place, was in regard to the sulphur 
water, which was the principal element which it afforded. It was 
not very disagreeable to the taste, but was exceedingly repulsive to 
the organs of smelling. It brought very forcibly to one's remem- 
brance some of the scenes of his "wild oats" days, when rotten 
eggs were distributed very loosely, and with little regard to the 
place where they fell. This water was very distasteful to us, and 
we managed after some time to get some from another spring which 
was more palatable. 

13th. Left Buffalo Springs this morning about 9 o'clock, and 
shortly after came to a Dr. Smith's, about two miles distant. Here 
the roads forked, one going to Rope Ferry across the James river, 
and the other leading - over the Blue Ridge Mountains Robinson Gap. 
This caused quite a division of sentiment in our party, one side 
being in favor of taking the Rope Feiry road, and the other inclin- 
ing to the Gap road. At one time permanent division of the party 
was threatened, neither side being willing to give up their opinions 
or their conflicting wishes. It was at length decided, however, by 
a vote of the party to go Robinson's Gap; we then proceeded on 
our journey, stopping for a resting spell near what was called "Pine 
Mountain Church," in the vicinity of which we obtained from a Mr. 
Jeffries a shoulder of bacon. Passing beyond this place about a 
half mile we crossed "Peddlar Creek," a very good sized stream 
which brought before us visions of mountain trout and pickerel. 
Several of the party threw in their lines and attempted to draw from 
this aquatic treasury the supplies necessary for our dinner. But on 
account of the rapid flow of this little stream and our lack of the 
"tight-line sinkers" for such waters, this attempt to kidnap some 
of the finny tribe met with no success. Passing from this place we 
shortly after arrived at Mr. Samuel Richardson's, whose wife 
treated us very kindly, offering to provide dinner for the party, and 
when we declined putting her to that trouble, furnished us with 
about thirty pounds of flour, some sorghum and bacon. Passing 
on we commenced the ascent of a very steep and rugged road which 
led over some very high hills which prefaced the way to Robin- 
son's Gap; when within a mile of the Gap we obtained some meal 
from a lady. At length we entered the (jap, and of all the rocky 
roads that it was ever my fortune to travel this surpassed the com- 
bination of them; huge boulders would be found now and then 

110 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

filling up the road which was at the best, but a continual layer of 
stones of every size and shape. At occasional intervals the rushing 
waters of some mountain streamlet would be found across our path 
or monopolize the road for some distance. Struggling over the 
obstacles we at length reached the summit after resting once or 
twice upon the way. Here we came upon a mountain residence 
which stood upon the east side of the mountain just where the 
roads forked in their descent towards the Roanoke valley; selecting 
the shortest of these roads we commenced the downward trip which 
led us through a rugged path. It made us consider which was the 
most difficult, the ascent or descent. The principal characteristic 
of the road was the steepness and its roughness; a mountain 
streamlet followed the road in all its windings and crossed it about 
eight times during a distance of two miles. The mountains seemed 
loathe to leave us, as they followed the road for two or three miles 
until we emerged into the broad daylight at the North river just 
about seven miles east of Lexington. It being nigh on to evening 
it was thought proper to make a stop for the night, and we were 
fortunate enough to obtain lodging at a Mr. Laird's, where we 
were treated very kindly. Mr. Laird tells us we have travelled 
twenty miles today. 

14th. Crossed North River this morning and started for Nat- 
ural Bridge, followed the tow path along the canal for about 
three miles and then stopped for the purpose of bathing; this 
occupied us for about two hours, after which we started upon our 
march again. Having lost the way we had been directed to take 
we had to improvise a road by cutting across some coal fields which 
led us to Mr. James Thompson's house on Buffalo river. Here we 
found a copy of an order which General Lee had issued to the army 
of Northern Virginia as follows : 

General Order No. 9. 

Headquarters A. N. Va., April 16th, 1865. 

After four years of arduous service made by unsurpassed courage 
and fortitude the army of Northern Virginia has been forced to 
yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. 

I need not tell the brave survivors of so many hard fought battles 
who have been steadfast to the last, that I have consented to the 
result from no distrust of them. But feeling that valor and devotion 
could accomplish nothing that would compensate for the losses that 
would have attended the continuance of the contest, I determined 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. Ill 

to avoid the unnecessary sacrifice of those whose past services had 
endeared them to their countrymen. 

By the terms of the agreement officers and men will be allowed 
to return to their homes and remain until exchanged. You will 
take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from duty faithfully 
performed, and I earnestly pray that a merciful God will extend to 
you His blessing and protection with unceasing admiration of your 
constancy and devotion to your country, and a grateful remem- 
brance of your kind and generous consideration of myself, I bid 
you an affectionate farewell. 

R. E. Lee. 

This occasioned quite a discussion in the party, some construing 
the order as including the whole army of Northern Virginia whether 
they were present or absent, while others understood it as meaning 
only those who were present at the place of surrender. The former 
contended that it was our duty to go to Lynchburg and give our- 
selves up to the Yankee authorities, as we were by the terms of 
tha't order undoubtedly included in the surrender. The latter 
argued that it was absurd to speak of a general surrendering men 
who were absent from him and beyond the pale of his authority. 
However neither party being able to convince the other it was 
finally agreed to separate, nine taking the road towards Lynchburg 
(J. W. Barnes, W. T. Eustace, S. B. Ayres, T. E. Ayres, S. A. 
Mosby, J. W. Seay, James T. Carter, F. J. Barnes, Jr., W. P. 
Gretter) and seven continuing their journey to North Carolina (E. 
G. Steane, Harrison Sublett, John W. Todd, Henry C. Barnes, 
Willis H. Page, Byrd G. Pollard, Harry C. Townsend). The 
party of seven proceeded towards Brady's Furnace, at which point 
we crossed the Buffalo river; here we found a very large iron 
furnace, two grist-mills and some government stores. At Mr. 
Brady's residence we obtained a very good dinner; after partaking 
of this repast we proceeded on our journey, and after travelling 
quite briskly through a very picturesque country arrived at the 
Natural Bridge; our party descended the steep road which leads 
down under the bridge and had quite a fine view of it. We sat 
down upon a ledge of rocks immediately under the bridge and 
spent about an hour in the inspection of this natural curiosity. 
Some of the boys cut their names upon the rocks and all of us drank 
of the waters of Cedar creek. When we passed over the bridge 
several of us obtained pieces of the arbor vitae that is so abundant 

112 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

there. Passing beyond the bridge on the road to Buchanan we 
stopped for the night at Dr. Arnold's where we were hospitably 
received and treated. 

April 15th. The skies this morning were very sombre, the rain 
fell in torrents, and made us very loathe to leave the nice beds into 
which Dr. Arnold's kindness had put us. We were very agreeably 
surprised by the coming up of five of the party who left us on yes- 
terday. S. B. Ayres, T. E. Ayres, Frank J. Barnes, Jr., J. W. Seay, 
Jos. T. Carter. Shortly after we separated on yesterday, this other 
party met General Pendleton, who was returning to his home, being 
a paroled prisoner of war. He told them they had misinterpreted 
General Lee's order, that they were not surrendered at all, and it 
was their duty to go on to North Carolina. This was deemed sufficient 
by the majority of the party, who immediately retraced their steps, 
and endeavored to rejoin our party. The other four continued their 
march to Lynchburg. This action grieved us a great deal, and 
somewhat surprised us. After an excellent breakfast at Dr. Arnold's, 
we started on our days march, although with many misgivings. We 
proceeded about one mile, when we reached the diminutive village 
of Springfield, where we found a vacant house, which afforded us a 
hospitable shelter from the almost drowning rains. During our 
resting spell we had some bread cooked at a Mrs. Heck's, who 
added to her kindness by a gift of about a gallon of butter milk and 
a pound of butter, both of which were exceedingly acceptable. 
About one o'clock we took up our line of march again, as the rain 
had subsided, reached Buchanan about five o'clock, crossing the 
James River in a ferry boat, the proprietor charging us §30 for 
bringing us across, besides speaking to us in a very insolent manner. 
We had expected to obtain rations and clothing at the quarter- 
master department at Buchanan, but upon making known our hopes 
to Captain Duncan, the post quartermaster, he informed us that it 
would be impossible for him to supply us, as all of his supplies were 
issued. This rather perplexed us for a short time, as we had 
depended upon this mode as the basis of our hopes for supper and 
breakfast, but by the kindness of Dr. Hamilton, we obtained 
accommodations at his house and at Mr. Wm. D. Crouch and 
Colonel J. T. Lochbridge's, distributing the party among the three. 
The citizens of Buchanan are certainly a hospitable set. 

April 1 6th. Left Buchanan, after having the $30 returned to us 
that we paid for crossing the river (through the kindness of Mr. 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. 113 

Crouch)* about ten o'clock, and after marching about four miles, 
sent two ahead to make arrangements for our reception at Bote- 
tourt Springs, twenty miles distant. About seven miles from 
Buchanan some of the party obtained dinner at a Mrs. Waskey's. 
Having heard that it might be possible to obtain government cloth 
at Fincastle, we turned aside from the turn pike, about eight miles 
from Buchanan, and took the road toward that point. Having 
arrived there about 6 o'clock, we called upon Major Wilson, post 
quartermaster, in regard to the obtaining of the desired cloth. 
Mr. Wilson having none, directed us to a Mr. Amnion. This being- 
Sunday, the party were furnished accommodations at the homes of 
Mr. Wilson, Mr. Miller and Mr. Bowyer, whose kindness and hospi- 
tality will ever be remembered. We attended the Presbyterian 
Church that night and heard the Rev. Dr. Stiles preach, and after- 
wards spoke to him. Our two couriers went on to Hollins' 
Institute, and stopped with the Rev. Dr. Seely. Two others were 
sent on to apprise them of the change of our destination on the part 
of the main body with directions to wait until Monday afternoon 
for their coming. 

April 17th. Fincastle. Went to see Mr. Amnion, who informed 
"the boys" that although he had no government cloth, he 
possessed some private stock, a portion of which he sold to those 
of the party that wished it. As he could not take Confederate 
money, the boys gave him a check on Purcell, Ladd & Co., for the 
amount he charging 75 cents per yard. After getting the cloth, 
the next trouble was to get it made up into suits. This was 
easily accomplished through the kindness of Mrs. Wilson, and the 
"Fincastle Female Sewing Union," who by their promptness, 
industry and kindness succeeded in making the clothes by 5 P. M. 
Immediately after this was done, the boys bade adieu to the kind 
people of the little town whom they will ever remember with grate- 
ful hearts, and started towards Botetourt Springs. Before they had 
gone more than four miles, darkness overtook them, and they were 
compelled to seek for lodgings, which they obtained at the houses 
of Mr. Snyder and a Widow Guch, where they were treated kindly 
and fared exceedingly well. At Botetourt Springs, we waited today 
for the Fincastle party to return; -the hours passed and night came 
on, and they did not arrive; suppose they stopped for the purpose 
of having clothes made, and we concluded to wait until tomorrow, 
and if they did not come, to continue our journey to Salem, as it is 

114 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

possible they have passed to that place by some other road. 

1 8th. The Fincastle party arrived here this morning about 
10:30 o'clock; after resting a spell we continued our march in the 
direction of Big Lick where Major Wilson had agreed to meet us 
and give us some information in regard to the practicability of 
getting horses. Arrived at Big Lick about 3 o'clock and obtained 
lodgings at the houses of Mr. B. T. Tinsley, Mr. Trout and Mr. 
Thomas. Called upon Gen. T. T. Munford in order to gain some 
information about the possibility of getting horses from him. He 
could give us no help unless we joined his command. If we could 
find any government horses throughout the cDunty we had his 
sanction to impress them. 

19th. Left Big Lick and crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains 
through a very poor country, inhabited by a very rude and unculti- 
vated people. Obtained dinner for our party at Miss Murray's and 
the widow Boone's. Passed by Boone's Mills and stopped, half of 
the party going to Mr. James C. Smith's, the rest going to Mrs. 
Bowman's and Mrs. Skemberry's, both of whom were Dunkards. 
These people appear to be a class of honest, well-meaning persons, 
who however are not very friendly to the Confederate cause. They 
are opposed to slavery, I believe, and like the Quaker, will not 
fight. They have some very curious notions and hold some 
peculiar tenets. 

20th. Marched today on what is called the "Old North Carolina 
Road," after going some five miles were on account of inclemency 
of the weather forced to stop. Six of the party obtained a resting 
place at Mr. James Leftwich's, the others across the river at a Mr. 
Galloway's, who appears to be a kind and hospitable gentleman 
and has treated us very generously. The rain continuing all day 
we were compelled to stop our journey, which rest came in very 
apropos as it gave us an opportunity of having our clothes washed, 
&c. Here we remained all the afternoon, receiving excellent fare 
and meeting with good treatment. At night Mr. Galloway put us 
into nice feather beds which caused us to forget all our weariness 
very quickly. At Mr. Leftwich's also the other party were treated 
very hospitably and found very good fare. 

2 1st. After a good breakfast at Mr. Galloway's and Mr. Left- 
wich's our party took up the line of march about 7 A. M., Mr. 
Galloway directed us to reach Mr. Harrison on the south side of 
Smith river, which was according to his statement about twenty 

TownsencVs Diary — Janaary-M'iy, 1865. 115 

miles distant. Our route for some six miles passed through a 

dense strip of woods; at length we reached a piece of open country 

and soon arrived at the house of a Mrs. Wade where we were told 

that Smith river was twenty-three miles distant. Here we crossed 

a river of quite respectable size, the name of which we did not 

learn; having passed on about a mile beyond this river we were told 

that Smith river was fifteen or twenty miles distant, and still further 

on we were told twenty-five, by an old country man we met driving 

an ox cart. Shortly after meeting this last named personage we 

came to what was called Stony Creek Church where two roads met 

and crossed; taking the right hand one we passed Capt. Peter 

Saunders' Iron Furnace and came to the residence of another Mr. 

Saunders, a shoemaker; we were advised by him to turn off this 

road which he represented as being much travelled and take a more 

private one, which he recommended and which would bring us to 

Smith's river at Mr. Daniel Helm's. The first road we struck after 

leaving the main road we had travelled all the morning was one 

which led us up a steep mountainous ascent, the climbing of which 

caused us to blow not a little. Coming down the hill we attempted 

to get dinner at a little hut near the foot of the hill, but failed on 

account of the poverty of the proprietor; he directed us to his 

father's, a Mr. Young, who, he was very confident, would furnish 

us with a meal. Following his directions we arrived at Mr. 

Young's house and asked for something to satisfy our hunger; he 

was unable to supply us, as his servant had gone to the mill after 

meal, and he himself was waiting for his return before he could eat; 

if we would wait he would supply us very willingly. We went on 

further and after scrambling over rocks and attempting to walk 

along the side of a steep hill where was no path, and climbing up 

high hills and almost running down precipitous descents, we came to 

the house of Mr. Sam Prillerman; here we obtained dinner, which 

was very acceptable. We also learned that it is eight miles to Mr. 

Helms, and the road was a very rough and hilly one; we obtained 

directions from Mr. Saunders and started oft up the road bed 

higher and still higher until it brought us out upon what is called 

"the Ridge Road." This led us after about three miles fast 

travelling to a Mr. Turner's, where we were directed to Mr. 

Stephen Turner's, from which point we could find our way to 

Helms. To our dismay the road to this latter Mr. Turner's led up 

an exceedingly steep ascent which caused us much puffing and 

116 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

blowing. At the summit we struck the river road again, which we 
travelled for about one and a half hours when the waning light of 
day warned us to look for shelter for the night. Sending out scouts, 
they discovered some houses about a mile distant to which we 
immediately directed our way. Descending the mountain we 
crossed a creek by wading and came to the house of a Mr. Dyer's; 
he had no room for us and directed us to the residence of another 
of the same name about a mile distant where he knew we could find 
accommodations. The gathering darkness was enhanced by the 
storm clouds which were threatening us and the occasional rain 
drops all concurred to hasten our steps. Before we reached our 
destination quite a shower of rain commenced, and it was, I fear, 
with very little ceremony that we entered the porch of Mr. Dyer's 
house. He was in very moderate circumstances and could offer no 
supper, but furnished us with room on his floor to sleep, the 
excellence of which we were not long in trying. 

22nd Mr. Dyer being unable to furnish us with breakfast, 
this morning we started out quite early (at about 6 A. M.) fur the 
purpose of procuring one. About our first step brought us to the 
foot of a very steep hill, near which we obtained breakfast for three 
of our party, from Mr. Stephen Turner, who but for his scanty 
stock of provisions would have fed all of us. He directed the 
remainder of the party to climb the hill and go down to the house 
of a Mr. Smith, who, he thought, could supply us. Following his 
directions, we clambered up this almost precipice, and descended 
to the opposite valley, in one nook of which we found Mr. Smith's 
house, a rude log hut of a very antique appearance, surrounded by 
several others of like make and different sizes. Although he 
appeared to be in reduced circumstances, Mr. Smith professed, and 
doubtless felt an entire willingness to accommodate the entire party, 
but was unable to carry out his wishes. He did take, however, 
three of the party and gave them a very good meal. We were very 
much amused here by an old negro woman who assured us that in 
the day's travel which we had contemplated, we would have nothing 
more difficult — some "moderate hills" to pass over, at the same 
time pointing to some of the Blue Ridge mountains, as examples. 
To our eyes these seemed terribly high and steep, and much beyond 
our ideas of "moderate hills." Mr. Smith directed us to the 
residence of a Mr. Ross, which we were to get by following the 
course of a creek which passed by the former's house. The remain- 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865. 117 

ing six of our party struck out and followed the path along- the 
creek, until it carried us into a thick undergrowth of ivy laurel, etc., 
whose almost impenetrable thickness offered quite a bar to our 
further advance. We at length found a log across the creek, and 
came to a path which led us along a more pleasant road than the 
one we had just left. Here we witnessed the novel and painful 
sight of a beautiful young girl and a boy acting as horses to a 
plough in the field; their horses had been taken by the Yankees. 
We followed this path for about two miles, sometimes going through 
a low valley, then again ascending the steep sides of a mountain, 
then again following the bed of some dried-up stream. We readied 
Mr. Ross's at length, and found to our dismay that we could obtain 
no breakfast there, as his cook was sick, and they had no fire at 
which we could cook anything. However, she very kindly gave 
us some meal and directed us to another house at which we could 
have it cooked. We travelled on to that point and found a very 
kind widow, Mrs. Philpost, who cooked our meal and meat for us, 
and added something from her own store. She was a very hospi- 
table old lady and seemed to feel a peculiar consideration for 
soldiers, having lost her husband by the war. After breakfast, we 
were ferried across the river by the son of the old lady, to whom we 
paid $12.00. Taking the road to Penn's Store, we travelled it for 
about six miles, when we stopped at a house at the forks of the road 
and obtained our dinner. After that rest, reached Penn's Store by 
six o'clock, where we were received with much greater hospitality 
than ever before on the route. Mr. Zentmeyer, one of the firm, 
took eight of us into his house, and would have taken us all, but 
Mrs. Penn declared she must be allowed to accommodate some of 
the party. Four of the party therefore stayed at her house, where 
they were treated as if they were her own children. At Mr. Zent- 
meyer's, the household seemed to vie with the other as to who* 
should treat us with the greatest consideration and kindness. 

23d. Leaving Mr. Zentmeyer's quite early this morning we 
struck out for Mr. Edward Tatum's from whom we were to obtain 
direction for our further route. On our way we crossed the North 
Branch of the Mayo river and passing over the hill struck through 
the woods by a path, which we thought agreed with the directions 
of Mr. Zentmeyer; after following this path for a short distance we 
met a gentleman who informed us we were going directly away 
from the point to which we were aiming. As he was going in that 

118 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

direction for a short distance he volunteered to act as our guide; 
we joyfully accepted his proposal and followed him through a 
by-path which led us over quite a rugged road, at length we came 
out upon a main road which led us by Mr. Cobb's, Mr. Foster's 
and Major James Perm's, at this latter point our guide left us after 
giving us the necessary directions. After going about a mile and a 
half we came to a point where the road made three forks; we took 
the central one. Proceeding down this road for a mile and failing to 
arrive at a church which we were told would be upon this road, two 
miles from Major Penn's, we came to the conclusion that we had 
lost the road again. We sent out scouts to find out and their 
report confirmed our opinions. In order to get ourselves right we 
were compelled to take another by-path which led us by quite a 
round-a L jout way to Mr. Edward Tatum's, it being then about 2 P. 
M. We obtained dinner from him. and then started on again for Mr, 
James Tatum's about seven miles off. We reached the residence 
of this gentleman without further adventure about 6 o'clock and 
were very hospitably received; here w r e were told of a band of 
deserters which had figured very prominently of late in a number of 
depredations upon the citizens and passing soldiers; we were 
cautioned to be careful in our actions and language while passing 
through the country in which their camp was situated. This is 
within the bounds of Stokes county, North Carolina, into which 
State we cross tomorrow. This is the last night we expect to spend 
in Virginia for some time, "It may be for years and it may be 

24th. We crossed the dividing line between the Old Dominion 
and North Carolina quite early this morning and made our debut 
before the people of the old North State. Shortly after getting 
into the State we were hailed by one of the natives with the excla- 
mation, (uttered in evident surprise) "Hullo strangers, you're on 
the back track, aren't you." He informed us that he intended to 
designate "The Army" by that expression. One of our party told 
him that this was our destination, which piece of information caused 
his eyes to expand in an expression of bewildering surprise. He 
was evidently, I think, one of that class of "Buffaloes" with which 
this portion of this State seems to be infested. The people are 
Tories or Union men in sentiment and are much greater lovers of 
the Yankees than of the Confederates. They often attack Con- 
federate soldiers who may be passing through this country and strip 

Townsend's Diary^ January- May , I860. 119 

them of their valuables. We feared somewhat that the people 
might be induced to attack our party, as we were so devoid of 
weapons of defence, but determined to put on a bold front and take 
the risks. Either because the size of our party intimidated them or 
because they imagined that a body of men that were bold enough 
to march through this country which had for so long a time been a 
terror to all travellers must also be a very troublesome set in a fiyht, 
or because they had been too much scattered by the recent defeat 
which they had sustained, we were not molested on our journey. 
At about 12 o'clock we arrived at "Buck Island Pond" on Dan 
river, which is a rapid rocky stream at that point. Here several of 
the party waded across the water, being in no place more than two 
and a half feet deep, and finding a boat upon the other side and a 
good place above the ford to ferry it started for the remainder of 
the boys. All of them were gotten over- without accident or 
adventure until the last boat full. For this Todd volunteered to 
act as ferryman, and in one of his fits of mischief nearly succeeded 
in carrying the boat over some rapids which were just below the 
landing place. Had not the party (Steane, Page, Ayers) managed 
to catch the limb of a tree whose branches overhung the rapids 
they would have received a rather unceremonious introduction to 
the waters of the Dan and been subjected to an unpleasant wetting. 
However after a little delay and a little wading out in the deep 
water the boat was brought safely to land and the voyagers disem- 
barked. As soon as this excitement and hilarity subsided some- 
what we stirted on our way to Danbury again, it being reported 
about three miles distant; arrived there about 2 P. M., stopped for 
dinner at the houses of Dr. McCandlish, Mrs. Smith and two others. 
This little place contains some twelve or fifteen houses, among 
which is a hotel and a courthouse, it being the county seat of 
Stokes county. It has a very pretty situation on the summit of a 
hill with the Dan rolling at its feet. In the process of time and by 
the addition of some enterprising men it will become a manufactur- 
ing town of some importance. After dinner we proceeded about 
two miles beyond the town and stopped about 6 o'clock at the 
house of Mr. J. Reveson for the ni*>ht, where we were most kindly 
treated. Our host and hostess were of that plain, honest order of 
nature's creation, that refreshes the eye wherever we may meet it. 
They were ardently Southern in their feelings, and to judge by 
their reputation in the country, in their actions. They have three 
sons in the army. 

I 20 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

25th. Left Mr. Reveson's early after an excellent breakfast, 
and struck out for Germantown, which he reported to be eleven, 
but which proved to be twelve miles distant. We reached it 
without any adventure of note about 10 o'clock, six of us stopping 
at Mr. Rodney's. This place was formerly the courthouse of 
Stokes County, but when Forsythe was formed out of the latter, 
the county seat was moved to Danbury, a more central position. 
It contains about three times as many dwellings as the latter place, 
a few of which are very pretty; the majority of them, however, have 
an old and seedy appearance. Left here immediately after dinner 
and arrived at Bethania, or Housetown, as it is more commonly 
called, at about six o'clock. Four of our party we left at Mr. Jones', 
four at Mr. Samuel Stanbers, outside the town, while the remaining 
four obtained accommodations in the town. The first two parties 
fared exceedingly well, the last had rather poor accommodations. 
The town is settled by Moravians, some of whose doctrines, as we 
learned, are most singular. They are not allowed to furnish sleep- 
ing accommodations to a stranger within the same house in which 
any of their family or sect are sleeping. No man, however wealthy, 
is allowed to be without a daily occupation. They seem to be an 
honest, industrious, sober minded, intelligent people. At Salem 
they have a "Female Institute" in progress, which is said to be 
the finest conducted of its class in the South. We slept in a very 
neat little school house, and ate at different houses. 

26th. Crossed the Yadkin River today at Glenn's Ferry, about 
nine miles from Bethania and marched on to Yadkinsville, fifteen 
miles distant. After passing the river about two miles, we reached 
the residence of Mr. Glenn, a most beautiful place. Here we 
obtained three canteens full of "sorghum beer," which was very 
little more than sweetened water; it was, however, quite cooling 
and refreshing. We obtained dinner when within eight miles of 
Yadkinsville, and then continued on our way. When nearly a mile 
north of the town, we left six of the boys at Mr. Tom Philips', and 
carried the other six on; two of the latter we left at Mr. Nicholson's, 
two at Dr. Wilson's, two somewhere else in the town. We were 
treated well, but the others fared badly. 

27th. Started off for Olin early this morning; after going a 
short distance met a party of North Carolinians, who represented 
themselves as recently members of Johnston's army. According to 
their statement, they had been disbanded and told to go home and 

Townsend's Diary — January- May, 1865. 121 

give up the struggle, as we were going back into the Union. There 
were reports that not only the troops of the State, but the whole 
army of General Johnston is being thus disbanded. We have heard 
this report all along the road from Virginia to this place, but do not 
intend to accept it as a fixed fact until we obtain some more reliable 
testimony. When about seven and a half miles from Yadkinsville, 
we reached the small village of Hamptonville, and passed from that 
point to Eagle Mills, about the same distance beyond. Here we 
obtained dinner. Passing on thence, we arrived at Olin near 
sunset, and obtained accommodations for the night at the houses of 
Mr. Fulcher, Mr. Word, and another. This is one of the neatest 
villages we have met upon our route, and contains about two 
hundred inhabitants. Most of the residents are descendants of 
Virginia families, and the place reminds me very forcibly of some 
of the homes in the Old Dominion. The people resemble Virginians 
more closely than any that I have seen since I crossed the North 
Carolina line. 

28th. Took the road for Island Ford on the Catawba River, 
which is said to be twenty-two miles distant; when within about 
nine miles of the ford, obtained dinner at the house of Mrs. Grey. 
Reached the river about six o'clock, and waded it at points — where 
several islands afforded resting places. After crossing two of the 
streams, we supposed that we had completed our job, and started 
on what we supposed to be the main road to Lincolnton. After 
proceeding about twenty-five yards, we, to our great dismay, found 
that more than half of our work remained undone. Two wide and 
rapid forks of the river, running down between two islands, still 
remained barriers between us and the main bank. Casting a long 
look at the rushing waters beneath us, we again undressed, and 
were soon breasting the first stream. This we crossed without 
difficulty, although it was somewhat deep. When we entered the 
last fork, however, and were nearing the further bank of the river, 
we found it quite difficult to stem the current, which was very 
strong, and the water very deep. We all crossed, however, and 
resumed the line of march; being now nearly dark, we concluded 
to stop for the night, and sent out scouts for the purpose of pro- 
curing accommodations. Six of the party obtained lodgings at the 
house of a Mr. Abernethy, who proved to be a second edition of 
Mr. Zentmeyer, of Patrick County. The remaining six, after 
many rebuffs, found accommodations at a Mr. James', who lived 

122 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

about three miles and a half from the Ford. This gentleman had 
retired when we arrived, about nine o'clock, but arose, had supper 
cooked for us, sleeping apartments arranged, and treated us with 
the greatest hospitality. He is one of the most perfect gentlemen 
I have met during this march. He informed us that the Yankee 
forces left Lincolnton on last Sunday morning, and have gone in 
the direction of Knoxville. He seems to believe the report which 
we have heard all along our route, of the prevalence of an armistice 
of sixty days duration between Johnston and Sherman. He thought 
iit very probable that the former has disbanded his army, and the 
war has ceased for the present. He doubts the truth of French 
intervention, rumors of which have prevailed along our route of 
travel, as he has seen no confirmation of them. 

29th. Left Mr. James' about eight o'clock, and marched until 
nearly 2 P. M., when we stopped for dinner. Passing on our route 
we reached Lincolnton just as the town clock struck '.'five." This 
town seems to be of considerable size and is very pleasantly situated 
on the top of a high hill, which gives it an atmosphere of a salu- 
brious temperature. The people of the place are the most respect- 
able North Carolinians met during our march in this State. They 
seem to be very kind, hospitable and intelligent, and certainly 
treat soldiers very well. They had provisions provided at the 
Courthouse for passing soldiers, and sleeping accommodations 
were provided at the houses cf different citizens. Six of our party 
slept at Mr. Johnston's hotel, and six others at Mr: Pillupps'. 

We had expected to gain some definite information "at this point 
which could guide our future course, but found no orders awaiting 
us, nor any officer in command of the place from whom we could 
learn anything reliable. We learned that Lieutenant Colonel Lane, 
of the artillery, was stopping in the town, a paroled prisoner, and 
we applied to him for advice. He complimented us very highly for 
the spirit of determination and patriotism (as he was pleased to 
term it) which we had evinced in coming to this place, and applauded 
our intention of going further on, to place ourselves under the 
command of General Johnston. He told us, however, that he was 
reliably informed that General Breckinridge had refused to accept 
the services of a large number of officers and men who had tendered 
themselves to him, alleging that he had no authority to receive 
them. Colonel Lane further stated, upon the same authority, that 
General Breckinridge had advised all of those men to return to 

Townsend's Diary — January- May, 1865. 1*23 

their homes and await the turn of events, saying at the same time 
that no Confederate government existed now east of the Mississippi 
River; and if it were not for the position he occupied as "Secretary 
of War," he should not think of going to the Trans- Mississippi 
Department. He, however, would advise us, to go on to Charlotte 
and endeavor to hear something definite there, and if we could not 
do so, then to carry out our intention of reporting to General 
Johnston at Greensboro. Upon further consultation, we determined 
to adopt this course. We appear to have created quite a sensation 
here. We are the only Virginians that have been here, and as we 
have marched on foot so far (455 miles) and still continue to express 
the determination to join some army that may be fighting for 
Southern Independence, we have become heroes in the eyes of the 
people of Lincolnton. Young and old of both sexes seem to look 
upon us as men "of more than mortal mould," and to vie with one 
another in doing us honor. Colonel Lane has talked so extrava- 
gantly about us to the people of our patriotic spirit, that he has 
caused quite a sensation in the little town in regard to us. 

30th, Sunday. We expected to go to Charlotte this morning by- 
means of a hand-car, but when we went down to the railroad to 
make our arrangements we found that none were there, and we 
could not leave until about 2 P. M., at which time a hand-car was 
expected down the road. Upon learning this we concluded to 
make ourselves as easy as possible until then; we made ourselves 
as respectable looking as we could and went to church, some 
attending the Methodist others the Episcopal. At the latter we 
heard the Rev. Mr, Wetmore deliver a passable sermon. After 
dinner we made ourselves ready for a speedy departure from the 
town. Two, three, four, five o'clock came, still no car. At 5:30 
o'clock our patience was rewarded by the si«ht of it and we 
immediately embarked, bidding adieu to Lincolnton and its pretty 
girls (of which it possessed not a few) and started for the Catawba 
Railroad Bridge twenty miles distant. At first we found some 
difficulty in steering our machine, but soon learned the "modus 
operandi" and got along very handily; we arrived at the bridge 
without accident at 1 1 o'clock and slept for the night in an old shed 
upon the banks of the river. 

May 1st. Awaking early this morning we crossed the river in an 
old fashioned batteaux, which made the experiment of crossing a 
very doubtful one. However we succeeded in getting across in 

124 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

safety, and after paying the grumbling negro ferry $15.00 (he 
wanted $65.00), we washed in the waters of the river, and mounting 
another hand car took the road for Charlotte. After proceeding 
about three miles we obtained breakfast at a neighboring house by 
giving a pound of coffee for nine pints of meal, then cooking it 
ourselves. After breakfast we continued our journey, leaving the 
hand-car behind us, as it proved to be very cumbersome and a slow 
moving machine, which did not give enough enjoyment to compen- 
sate for the labor. Taking down the railroad afoot we entered 
Charlotte about 6 o'clock. This town presents quite a pretty 
appearance; it is ornamented with quite a number of shade trees, a 
great addition to the natural beauty of the situation. The dwelling 
houses are examples of taste and beauty, the public buildings are 
numerous and well situated. Of those citizens that I have seen 
only a very small minority possess the air of respectability. Of 
the ladies the same seems to be the rule. The respectable are in 
the minority, and as well as I can learn are refugees. In sentiment 
the regular citizens seem to be quite rotten in regard to the Con- 
federacy and our cause. I had not been in the town a half hour 
before one of them refused to take Confederate money from me. A 
body of them had attacked a residence of a private citizen that 
morning and robbed him of some stores which he had bought; 
their pretense for this was that they were Government stores and 
they were being hidden by this man for private purposes. They 
helped themselves freely to soda, coffee, cotton, cloth. 

Upon reporting to General Hoke, Commander of the Post, he 
gave us a letter of introduction to General S. Cooper, Adjt. and 
Inspector General, C. S. A., who is now staying in the city. 
Waiting on the latter he informed us that General Johnston had 
disbanded his army, but that the Confederate army was reorganiz- 
ing at Augusta, Georgia.. If we would wait for two or three days 
and aid Col. Hoke in the protection of the property of private 
citizens, he would afford us every facility for going further South. 
Steane agreeing to that proposal in the name and for the whole 
party, the General gave us an order to report to Colonel Hoke, 
whom he directed to supply us with rations and shoes, and to treat 
us with every possible consideration. The party were very glad to 
obtain the rations and shoes, but disliked very much to assist in 
doing guard duty for the protection of such people as the citizens 
of Charlotte appeared to be. We preferred to go on immediately 

TowasencTs Diary — January-May, 1865. 125 

to Augusta, but upon expressing that idea to Colonel Hoke he 
declined to allow us to do so, and directed us to remain here. As 
he was our superior officer we were of course compelled to obey. 
He designated a point at which he wanted us to do guard duty for 
the night, and also a place at wjiich we could find sleeping accom- 
modations. To this latter point we immediately went and deposited 
our baggage and made our arrangements for the night, having 
already had our rations cooked and disposed of. We found that 
the point which we had to guard was a government stable with a 
number of horses; we are to supply two posts and stand with loaded 
muskets, with orders to fire upon anyone who may make any 
attempt on horses, wagons, &c. Here we kept guard all. night 
which passed without any adventure of note. 

2nd. This morning drew two days rations of flour, bacon, rice, 
coffee and tobacco, and three hundred pounds of salt. The number 
of guard posts was decreased to one this morning, to be kept up 
during the day. We learned today that according to Johnston's 
agreement with Sherman, our little party is included in his surren- 
der, and that we may expect Yankee officers here this evening, who 
will give us Paroles. This is quite a doleful finale to our attempt 
to reach the Trans- Mississippi Department. This afternoon about 
6.30 o'clock, a train, arrived from Salisbury, bringing Major Wal- 
cott, of the United States Army, the purpose of whose visit is to 
parole the officers and men, and take charge of the public property 
in the name of the Yankee government. He is, I am told, a very 
gentlemanly looking officer, and does not show many signs of hard 
service. He created quite a sensation by his coming. He is 
accompanied by Colonel Lee, of Johnston's army. 

3rd. Today has been occupied with the paroling of the officers 
and men collected about the place, the number of whom will, I 
suppose, amount to nearly four thousand. Three thousand of 
these are comprised in a body of Wheeler's Cavalry, which is 
camped just outside of the town. We expect to receive our papers 
this evening, and l^ave this place early tomorrow morning, as an 
escort for General S. Cooper, who hopes to start for Danville at that 
time. This afternoon waited upon Major Walcott for the purpose 
of obtaining our paroles. He endorsed upon the list of our names, 
which we handed him as follows: 

"These men belong to Lee's army, are not within the terms of 
agreement between Generals Johnston and Sherman, and, conse- 

126 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

quently, do not need paroles under it, but can go quietly to their 
homes, reporting themselves when circumstances require it, as 
belonging to General Lee's arm v. 

' F. Walcott, Major U. S. A." 

In answer to an inquiry as to whether we were considered as 
prisoners or no, he answered in the negative, and told us we were 
at liberty to go wheresoever we might please. In consideration of 
the fact that Salem, Mobile, Montgomery, Augusta, and, in fact, 
every point of note along the route to the Trans-Mississippi Depart- 
ment, is in Yankee possession; in view, also, of the orders and 
advice of General Breckenridge, Secretary of War, which were to 
the effect that the soldiers should return quietly to their homes 
and await the turn of future events, we determined to go back to 
Richmond, and settle down as quietly as possible, until we could 
find an opportunity for doing our country further service. We will 
take the train in the morning for Salisbury. 

4th. Arose at 4 A. M., and after breakfast, proceeded to the 
train, which left Charlotte at eight o'clock. Arrived at Salisbury 
about 5 P. M., having been delayed nearly four hours by the neces- 
sity of changing cars when within eight miles of the town. 
Arriving there, we drew rations of flour, rice, ham, salt for three 
days, which we had cooked by paying a pair of shoes. We slept 
in the car at night and enjoyed ourselves very well. 

5th. This morning a detachment of Yankee soldiers entered the 
town for the purpose of taking charge of it. Very shortly after, 
a division or so of Confederate troops passed through the place 
with colors flying and bands playing. We left Salisbury at 11 A. M., 
and passing through Thomasville, High Point, Jamestown, and 
arrived at Greensboro about 4 P. M. When we arrived at Greens- 
boro, we were informed by Colonel John W. Reily, A. A. G., that 
it would be necessary for us to obtain our parole here, as Yankee 
guards would be upon the trains, and would demand our papers. 
In order to avoid future trouble, he advised us to obtain them here. 
In obedience to his counsel, we waited upon Captain I. L. Don, 
Provost Marshal, who furnished us with Paroles. There are quite 
a number of Yankee troops in the place, who behave themselves 
very well, and seem disposed to be friendly toward Confederate 

6th. We left Greensboro at n A. M., and changed cars at Cedar 
Creek, the bridge over which has been burned. Having a drunken 

Townsend's Diary — January-May, 1865, 127 

conductor in charge of the train, we were detained much longeir 
than we expected, and did not reach Danville until 7 P. M. We 
found a large force of Yankees camped just outside the town, and 
a good number of blue coated guards inside the precincts. These,, 
however, treated us very civilly. We placed our baggage in a box 
car and slept there all uight. 

7th. Left Danville at 5 A. M. and arrived at Burkville without 
any noteworthy adventure. Continued the journey to Petersburg,, 
at which place we arrived about 1 r P. M. 

8th. At 9 A. M. we took the train for Richmond, where we 
arrived in about two hours. We were joyfully received. 

128 Southern Historical Society Papers 


Famous Conference at Centerville when Question of 
Invading North was Settled. 


His Letters that have never before been put in Print. 

Washington, May 10, 1906. 
Editor Times-Dispatch; 

Sir, — The papers which I send you, although lengthy, I think 
ought, in justice to President Davis, to be published; and I think 
they will be read with interest. 

All of the parties named are now dead. President Davis left 
the letters in my hands to use at my discretion. I think the 
time has now come when it ought to be given to the public, with 
the paper, " Council of War at Centreville." 

I submit them for publication at your discretion. 

Very truly, 

Marcus J. Wright. 


October 1, 1861.* 
On the 26th September, 1861, General Joseph E. Johnston ad- 
dressed a letter to the Secretary of War in regard to the impor- 
tance of putting this army in condition to assume the offensive, 
and suggested that his excellency the President, or the Secretary 
of War, or some one representing them, should at an early day 
come to the headquarters of the army, then at or near Fairfax 
Court-I louse, for the purpose of deciding whether the army 
could be re-inforced to the extent that the commanding general 
deemed necessary for an offensive campaign. 

His excellency the President arrived at Fairfax Court-Housc 

♦The exact date does not appear in the records. That above is approxi 
mately, if not absolutely, correct. 

Some War History Never Published. 129 

a few days thereafter, late in the afternoon, and proceeded to 
the quarters of General Beauregard. On the same evening Gen- 
eral Johnston and I called to pay our respects. No official sub- 
jects of importance were alluded to in that interview. x\t 8 
o'clock the next evening, by appointment of the President, a 
conference was had between himself, General Johnston, General 
Beauregard, and myself. Various matters of detail were intro- 
duced by the President, and talked over between himself and 
the two senior generals. Having but recently arrived, and not 
being well acquainted with the special subjects referred to, I 
took little or no part in this conversation. Finally, with perhaps 
some abruptness, I said : "Mr. President, is it not possible to put 
this army in condition to assume the active offensive?" adding 
that this was a question of vital importance, upon which the suc- 
cess or failure of our cause might depend. This question brought 
on discussion. The precise conversation which followed I do 
not propose to give ; it was not an argument. There seemed 
to be little difference of opinion between us in regard to general 
views and principles. It was clearly stated and agreed to that 
the military force of the Confederate States was at the highest 
point it could attain without arms from abroad ; that the por- 
tion of this particular army present for duty was in the finest 
fighting condition : that if kept inactive it must retrogade im- 
mensely in every respect during the winter, the effect of which 
was foreseen and dreaded by us all. The enemy were daily 
increasing in number, arms, discipline, and efficiency. We looked 
forward to a sad state of things at the opening of a spring cam- 

These and other points being agreed upon without argument. 
it was again asked : " Mr. President, is it not possible to increase 
the effective strength of this army, and put us in condition to 
cross the Potomac and carry the war into the enemy's country? 
Can you not by stripping other points to the last they will bear, 
and, even risking defeat at all other places, put us in condition 
to move forward? Success here at this time saves everything; 
defeat here loses all." In explanation and as an illustration of 
this, the unqualified opinion was advanced that if for want of 
adequate strength on our part in Kentucky the Federal forces 
should take military possession of that whole State, and even 

130 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

enter and occupy a portion of Tennessee, a victory gained by this 
army beyond the Potomac would, by threatening" the heart of 
the Northern States, compel their armies to fall back, free Ken- 
tucky, and give us the line of the Ohio within ten days there- 
after. On the other hand, should our forces in Tennessee and 
Southern Kentucky be strengthened, so as to enable us to take 
and to hold the Ohio river as a boundary, a disastrous defeat 
of this army would at once be followed by an overwhelming 
wave of Northern invaders, that would sweep over Kentucky 
and Tennessee, extending to the northern part of the cotton 
States, if not to New Orleans. Similar views were expressed in 
regard to ultimate results in" Northwestern Virginia being de- 
pendent upon the success or failure of this army, and various 
other special illustrations were offered, showing, in short, that 
success here was success everywhere, defeat here defeat every- 
where; and that this was the point upon which all the available 
forces of the Confederate States should be concentrated. 

It seemed to be conceded by all that our force at that time 
here was not sufficient for assuming the offensive beyond the 
Potomac, and that even with a much larger force an attack upon 
their army under the guns of their fortifications on this side 
of the river was out of the question. 

The President asked me what number of men were necessary, 
in my opinion, to warrant an offensive campaign, to cross the 
Potomac, cut off the communications of the enemy with their 
fortified capital, and carry the war into their country. I an- 
swered, "Fifty thousand effective, seasoned soldiers," explaining 
that by seasoned soldiers I meant such men as we had here pres- 
ent for duty, and added that they would have to be drawn from 
the Peninsula, about Yorktown, Norfolk, from Western Virginia. 
Pensacola, or wherever might be most expedient. 

General Johnston and General Beauregard both said that a 
force of sixty thousand such men would be necessary, and that 
this force would require large additional transportation and 
munitions of war, the supplies here being entirely inadequate 
for an active campaign in the enemy's country even with our 
present force. In this connection there was some discussion of 
the difficulties to be overcome and the probabilities of success, 
but no one questioned the disastrous results of remaining inactive 

Some War History Never Published. 131 

throughout the winter. Notwithstanding the belief that many 
in the Northern army were opposed on principle to invading the 
Southern States, and that they would fight better in defending 
their own homes than in attacking ours, it was believed that the 
best, if not the only, plan to insure success was to concentrate 
our forces and attack the enemy in their own country. The 
President, I think, gave no definite opinion in regard to the num- 
ber of men necessary for that purpose, and I am sure that no 
one present considered this a question to be finally decided by 
any other person than the commanding general of this army. 

Returning to the question that had been twice asked, the Presi- 
dent expressed surprise and regret that the number of surplus 
arms here was so small, and I thought, spoke bitterly of this 
disappointment. He then stated that at that time no re-inforce- 
ments could be furnished to this army of the character asked for, 
and that the most that could be done would be to furnish re- 
cruits to take the surplus arms in store here (say 2,500 stand) ; 
that the whole country was demanding protection at his hands 
and praying for arms and troops for defense. He had long been 
expecting arms from abroad, but had been disappointed; he 
still hoped to get them, but had no positive assurance that they 
would be received at all. The manufacture of arms in the Con- 
federate States was as yet undeveloped to any considerable ex- 
tent. Want of arms was the great difficulty; he could not take 
any troops from the points named, and without arms from abroad 
could not re-inforce this army. He expressed regret, and seemed 
to feel deeply, as did every one present. 

When the President had thus clearly and positively stated his 
inability to put this army in the condition deemed by the gen- 
erals necessary before entering upon an active offensive com- 
paign, it was felt that it might be better to run the risk of almost 
certain destruction fighting upon the other side of the Potomac 
rather than see the gradual dying out and deterioration of this 
army during a winter, at the end of which the term of enlistment 
of half the force would expire. The prospect of a spring cam- 
paign to be commenced under such discouraging circumstances 
was rendered all the more gloomy by the daily increasing strength 
of an enemy already much superior in numbers. 

On the other hand was the hope and expectation that before 

132 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the end of winter arms would be introduced into the country, and 
all were confident that we could then not only protect our own 
country, but successfully invade that of the enemy. 

General Johnston said that he did not feel at liberty to express 
an opinion as to the practicability of reducing the strength of 
our forces at points not within the limits of his command, and 
with but few further remarks from any one, the answer of the 
President was accepted as final, and it was felt that there was 
no other course left but to take a defensive position and await 
the enemy. If they did not advance, we had but to await the 
winter and its results. 

After the main question was dropped, the President proposed 
that, instead of an active offensive campaign, we should attempt 
certain partial operations — a sudden blow against Sickles or 
Panks, or to break the bridge over the Monocacy. This he 
thought, besides injuring the enemy, would exert a good influ- 
ence over our troops and encourage the people of the Confed- 
erate States generally. In regard to attacking Sickles, it was 
stated in reply that, as the enemy controlled the river with their 
ships of war, it would be necessary for us to occupy two points 
on the river, one above and another below the point of crossing, 
that we might by our batteries prevent their armed vessels from 
interfering with the passage of the troops. In any case, the 
difficulty of crossing large bodies over wide rivers in the vicinity 
of an enemy, and then recrossing-, made such expeditions hazard- 
ous. It was agreed, however, that if any opportunity should 
occur offering reasonable chances of success, the attempt would 
be made. 

During this conference or council, which lasted perhaps two 
hours, all was earnest, serious, deliberate. The impression made 
upon me was deep and lasting; and I am convinced that the 
foregoing statement is not only correct as far as it goes, but. 
in my opinion, it gives a fair idea of all that occurred at that 
lime in regard to the question of our crossing the Potomac. 

G. W. Smith, 
Major-General, C. S. Army. 

Some War History Never Published. 138 

Our recollections of that conference agree fully with this 
statement of General G. W. Smith. 

C. T. Beauregard, 
General, C. S. Army. 

J. E. Johnston, 

General, C. S. Army. 
Signed in triplicate. 

Centrevillc, January 31, 1862. 

Beauvoir, Harrison County, Miss., 
6th December, 1882. 
General M. J. Wright; 

My Dear Sir, — Col. Scott kindly offered to send me the pub- 
lished volumes of the official records, and I replied by accepting 
the offer for the 5th volume, the four first having been sent to 
me by one of our members of Congress. The fifth volume has 
arrived, and promptly looking for the secret paper of Johnston, 
Beauregard and Smith, I was surprised to find at the head of 
the paper a date, not existing on the copy you sent me, and 
which was verified as a true copy by General G. T. Beauregard, 
his sign manual, I think, but that was not the only difference be- 
tween the printed paper and the MSS. you sent me. In the 
latter the paper closes thus : 

"Centreville, Va., January 31, 1862. 

"Signed in triplicate. Signed. 

"G. W. Smith, Maj.-Gen., C. S. A. 

"Our recollections of this conference agree fully with this 
statement of General G. W. Smith. 

"Centreville, Va., January 31, 1862. 
"Signed, G. T. Beauregard, General, C. S. A. 
"Signed in triplicate. 
"J. E. Johnston, General, C. S. A." 

Then follows the verification, which from the word "late" 
has evidently been made since the war. 

"A true copy, G T Beauregard, late General, C. S. A." 

134 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Will you have the goodness to inform me how the derivation 
from the certified copy occurred? 

My recollection is that the army was not at Centreville on 
October I, 1861. If General Smith, as early as the 1st October, 
was engaged in a combination to undermine, his subsequent cor- 
respondence and intercourse intensify by the hypocrisy the base- 
ness of the act. I, however, think it more probable that he was 
inspired and wrote the paper about the date of his signature, as 
set forth in the MSS., viz.: 31st January, 1862. 

One purpose would be served by the early date, i. c, to make it 
appear to have been written very soon after the conference. Be- 
lieving a fraud has been practiced, I desire to learn the facts of 
the case. I did not feel willing to write to Colonel Scott about 
this matter, and, therefore, trouble you, as one of the family of 
C. S. A. 

Ever truly your friend, 

Jefferson Davis. 

Note from Colonel Scott on receipt of Mr. Davis' letter: 
"The date, October 1, 1861, is that of the meeting, and does 
not appear on the document. See note at foot of page 884. The 
date of the paper from the completion of it by signature is shown 
on page 887 to have been January 31, 1862. 

"The record is printed from triplicate copy turned in by Gen- 
eral Joseph E. Johnston. Copy sent to Mr. Davis must have 
been from Beauregard's copy. 

"R. N. S." 

On receiving this endorsement from Colonel Scott, Mr. Davis 
wrote me as follows: 

Beauyoir, December 20, 1882. 
General M. J. Wright; 

My Dear Sir, — Please accept my thanks for your attention 
10 my inquiry about the printed letter of S. G. and B., found in 
Vol. 5. 

The explanation, you must permit me to say, does not quite 
cover the case. The date at the top is added to the certified 
copy of the original and the date of Smith's signature near the 
close of the paper is omitted, and substituted by the date for 
the joint signature of the three, that being after the endorse- 

Some War History Never Published. 135 

ment by G. and B., whereas in the original the date of Smith's 
signature was before it, though you inform me that the letter as 
printed was taken from the copy turned over by General J. E. 
Johnston, you do not say whether the additional omission 
was made by him or the printer. 

Very truly yours, 

Jefferson Davis. 

This letter being submitted to Colonel Scott, he made the fol- 
lowing endorsement: 

"The date Oct. i, 1861, does not appear in General Johnston's 
copy or Smith's man. ; that date is that of the meeting. The date 
January 31, 1862, appears in the Johnston copy as date of sig- 
natures of Smith and Beauregard. 

"In 2nd edition I'll have that Oct. 1, 1861, so displayed as 
to prevent misunderstanding. It should have been in fine 'italic 
caption.' " 

Beauvoir, Harrison Co., Miss., 
29 July, 1882. 
General Marcus J. Wright: 

My Dear Sir, — Various circumstances have delayed the pre- 
paration and copying of the accompanying paper, reviewing the 
secret plot, as I must consider its make-up a record for them- 
selves, by officers to whom I hoped to co-operate for our coun- 
try in the unequal contest forced upon it. You need not be 
told how entirely the mass of our people sunk all private con- 
siderations in their zeal for our cause. 

That those to whom the lives and liberties of their countrymen 
were speedily entrusted should have been exceptions to the gen- 
eral spirit of the Confederates must equally be the cause of sur- 
prise and regret. 

I trust if the poison is circulated by publication among the 
records, that you will be able to have the antidote out with it. 
If the other is not published, please add another to your many 
kind attentions by returning my own. 

Very truly your friend, 

Jefferson Davis. 

13t> Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Beauvoir, Miss., 15th Oct. 1880. 
General Marcus J. Wright: 

Dear Sir, — Please accept my sincere thanks for your kind letter 
of the 5th instant, and for your consideration in enclosing to me 
the copy of a "paper" the existence of which was unknown to me, 
and which because of its special reference to myself I am glad to 

The "paper" purports to be a statement of a conversation of two 
hours' duration, and to have been prepared from memory, four 
months after the conversation occurred. The occasion is repre- 
sented to have been an official conference or council between my- 
self, as the President of the Confederate States, and the three 
senior generals of the Confederate army in Northern Virginia. 

It is a condemnatory fact, not stated in the paper, that no notice 
was given to me of a purpose to make a record of the conversa- 
tion, and no opportunity allowed me to make any correction of 
expressions attributed to me in the paper, thus secretly prepared, 
and so preserved until, in the nineteenth year after its date, it was 
revealed to me by being offered to the United States for publica- 
tion among the documents relating to the war. It may natur- 
ally he asked why was it secretly prepared, and why now of- 
fered for publication? 

Without assigning a motive, or directly answering the ques- 
tions, I think, however, it can scarcely be claimed that the object 
was thereby to increase the military power and to promote the 
ultimate sucess of the Confederate cause. 

Now, having introduced this contribution to the history of the 
war, in the questionable shape under which it appears, I will sum- 
marily notice its prominent features. 

The paper bearing date 31st January. 1862, appears to have 
been written by Gen. G. W. Smith, and to have been approved by 
Generals Beauregard and J. E. Johnston. It does not in some 
important respects agree with my recollection of what occurred, 
and is wanting in consistency, that infallible test of truth. 

The document opens with a paraphrase of a letter said to have 
been written to the Secretary of War by Gen. J. E. Johnston, ask- 
ing for a conference to be held at his headquarters to decide 
whether the army could be reinforced to the extent that the 
commanding: general deemed necessary for an offensive campaign. 

Some War History Never Published. 137 

The manner in which General Johnston on other occasions re- 
quested me to visit the army under his command was so differ- 
ent from that represented in this paraphrase that I wish a copy 
of the letter had been given, which was probably not longer than 
the statement made of its contents. 

If the purpose was to discuss the reinforcement of his army 
by the transfer of troops from other commands, as the recital of 
the paper indicates, General Johnston would have known that in 
Richmond, where all the returns were to be found, that question 
could be best considered and decided. As his army was not en- 
gaged in active operations, it would seem to have been probable 
and proper that he should have gone to the War Office, rather 
than have asked that "the President, or the Secretary of the War, 
or some one representing them," should go to his headquarters 
to solve so grave a problem, not by the best attainable data, but 
on such speculative views as the paper exhibits. 

Very little experience, or a fair amount of modesty without any 
experience, would prevent one from announcing his conclusion 
that troops should be withdrawn from a place, or places, with- 
out knowing how many were there, what were the terms or con- 
ditions of their enlistment, and what was the necessity for their 
continuance in that service. 

• I went to the headquarters of the army, in compliance with 
the request of General Johnston ; on the day after my arrival re- 
viewed the troops on the plain above Fairfax Courthouse ; after 
which I proposed to General Johnston that we should have the 
desired conference, and readily assented to his wish that the two 
generals next in rank to himself. Generals Beauregard and G. 
W. Smith, should be present. I was there by invitation, and 
the confidence I felt in those officers, and in the purpose for 
which the consultation was desired, is shown by the fact that I 
met them unattended, and did not require minutes to be kept 
of the proceedings, conditions which would not have existed if 
the use to which the meeting has been put had been anticipated. 

In view of previous correspondence, the question for consid- 
eration, so far as I knew, was what course should be adopted for 
the Army of the Potomac in the immediate future. Therefore. 
I made the preliminary inquiry as to the number of troops there 
present for duty. 

138 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

To my surprise and disappointment, the effective strength was 
stated to be but little greater than when it fought the battle of 
the 2 1 st of the preceding July. The frequent reinforcements 
which had been sent to that army in nowise prepared me for 
such an announcement. To my inquiry as to what force would 
be required for the contemplated advance into Maryland, the 
lowest estimate made by any of them was about twice the num- 
ber there present for duty. How little I was prepared for such 
a condition of things will be realized from the fact that previous 
suggestions by the generals in regard to a purpose to advance into 
Maryland had induced me, when I went to that conference, to 
take with me some drawings made by the veteran soldier and 
engineer, Colonel Crozet, of the falls of the Potomac, to show 
the feasibility of crossing the river at that point. Very little 
knowledge of the condition and military resources of the coun- 
try must have sufficed to show that I had no power to make the 
demanded addition to that army without a total disregard of 
the safety of other threatened positions. It only remained for 
me to answer that I had not power to furnish such a number of 
troops ; and unless the militia bearing their private arms should 
be relied on, we could not possibly fulfil such a requisition until 
after the receipt of the small arms, which we had early and con- 
stantly striven to procure from abroad, and had for some time 

Whatever other object there may have been for intensifying 
the dangers of inaction, it surely could not by these conferees have 
been thought necessary to impress that danger specially on me, 
and to put their thoughts on record for after times in such con- 
nection as to give them that special application. 

My correspondence of anterior dates might have shown that 
J was fully aware of it, and my suggestions in the interval, 
certainly did not look as if it was necessary to impress me with 
the advantage of the action. 

In one part of the paper it stated that the reinforcements 
asked for were to be "seasoned soldiers," such as were there 
present, and who were said to be in the "finest fighting condi- 
tion.'' This, if such a proposition had been made, would have 
exposed its absurdity, as well as the loop— hole it opened for es- 
cape, by subsequently asserting that the troops furnished were 

Some War History Never Published. 139 

not up to the proposed standard. It must be remembered that 
this was during the first year of the war, into which the Con- 
federacy entered without an army. 

In another part of the paper it is stated that there was hope 
and expectation that, before the end of the winter, arms would 
be introduced into the country, and that then we could success- 
fully invade that of the enemy ; but this supply of arms,, how- 
ever abundant, could not furnish " seasoned soldiers," and the 
two propositions are, therefore, inconsistent. In one place it 
is written that "it was felt it might be better to run the risk of 
almost certain destruction fighting upon the other side of the 
Potomac, rather than see the gradual dying out and deteriora- 
tion of this army during a winter," etc. ; but when it was pro- 
posed to cross into Eastern Maryland on a steamer in our pos- 
session for a partial campaign, difficulties arose like the lion in 
ihe path of the sluggard, so that the proposition was postponed 
and never executed. In like manner the expedition into West- 
tern Virginia was projected and achieved by Gen. T. J. Jack- 
son, who was not of this council. 

We are not informed who it was that " felt " that stern desire 
and purpose dread to go forth at " the risk of almost certain 
destruction," but from the foregoing and other indications, in- 
cluding the decision of the conferees that twice the force avail- 
able was necessary for the contemplated movement across the 
Potomac, it is to be inferred that elsewhere than among the 
three generals the described feeling must have existed. It is 
true that to some extent, quite short of the dire extremity of 
M destruction," a desire to cross the Potomac in 1861 was ex- 
pressed by other officers, who thought the risk should be taken 
with the means then possessed. For instance, there were those 
who thought it feasible, by using the steamboat, then at the 
mouth of Aquia creek, to cross into Eastern Maryland, and, 
by a rapid movement, to perform a valuable service in that re- 
gion ; another example of daring and desire to use the power 
then available was the request, sent through Gen. W. N. Pen- 
dleton, of the artillery, by Brigadier-General T. J. Jackson, 
that his brigade should be detached and permitted to cross the 
Potomac and attack the enemy at his capital. 

To return to the paper now under review : In one place it is 

140 Southern .Historical Society Papers. 

written that the President stated "at that time no reinforcements 
could be furnished to the army of the character asked for." In 
another place he is made to say he could not take any troops 
from the points named, and, " without arms from abroad, could 
not reinforce that army." Here, again, it is clear from the 
answer, that the proposition had been for such reinforcements 
as additional arms would enable him to give, not for " seasoned 
soldiers," but for such men as would be brought into service 
when we could supply them with arms. Those arms he expected 
to receive, barring the dangers of the sea, and of the enemy, 
which obstacles alone prevented the " positive assurance that 
they would be received at all." 

It was, as stated, with deep regret and bitter disappointment 
that I found, notwithstanding our diligent efforts to reinforce 
this army, before and after the Battle of Manassas, that its 
strength had but little increased ; and that the arms of absentees 
Mnd discharged men were represented by only twenty-five hun- 
dred on hand. Again, it is seen that the question was how many 
arms could be had for new levies, the requisition for reinforce- 
ments being always treated as a thing dependent upon the sup- 
ply of arms. The forces of the Confederacy consisting of its 
citizens who had been mustered into service as and when arms 
could be obtained, during the brief period since the Provisional 
( lovernment was instituted, then about seven months, what could 
have been more idle than to have asked for seasoned soldiers 
equal in number to the largest and oldest array we had, unless 
it would have been the "large additional transportation and muni- 
tions of war," which, it is stated, was required, if reinforcements 
proposed should be furnished. To a long established govern- 
ment with a "standing army" and arsenals supplied with the 
munitions of war, such a requisition might have been properly 
offered, but under the well-known condition of the Confederacy 
it could not have been seriously made or respectfully received. 

Having noticed the improbabilities and inconsistencies of the 
paper, and referred to the circumstances under which it was 
prepared, I submit to honorable men the fact of the concealment 
from me in which it was kept, and leave them to judge of the 
motive for that ex parte statement, and the chances for such co- 
intelligence as needs must exist between the executive of a gov- 

tiome War History Never Published. 141 

eminent and the commanders of its armies to insure attainable 

The position at Fairfax Courthouse, though it would answer 
very well as a point from which to advance, was quite unfavor- 
able for defense, and when I so remarked, the opinion seemed 
to be that to which the generals had previously arrived. It 
therefore, only remained to consider what change of position 
should be made in the event of the enemy threatening soon to 
advance. But in the meantime I hoped that something could be 
done by detachments from the army to effect objects less diffi- 
cult than an advance against his main force, and particularly in- 
dicated the lower part of Maryland, where a small force was said 
to be ravaging the country and oppressing our friends. This, I 
thought, might be feasible by the establishment of a battery near 
Aquia creek, where the channel of the Potomas was said to 
be so narrow that our guns could prevent the use of the river 
by the enemy's boats ; and, by employing a steamboat lying there, 
troops enough could be sent over some night to defeat that 
force, and return before any large body could be concentrated 
against them. The effect of the battery and of the expedition, 
it was hoped, would be important in relieving our friends and 
securing recruits from those who wished to join us. 

Previously General Johnston's attention had been called to pos- 
sibilities in the Valley of the Shenandoah, and that these and 
other like things were not done, was surely due to other causes 
than "the policy of the administration," as will appear by the 
letters hereto annexed : 

" Richmond, Va v August i. 1861. 
"Gen. J. E. Johnston: 

" * * * General Lee has gone to Western Virginia, and 
T hope may be able to strike a decisive blow in that quarter, or 
failing in that, will be able to organize and post our troops so 
as to check the enemy, after which he will return to this place. 

" The movement of Banks will require your attention. It may 
be a ruse, but if a real movement, where your army has the 
requisite strength and mobility, you will probably find an oppor- 
tunity, by a rapid movement through the passes, to strike him 
in rear or flank, and thus add another to your many claims to 
your country's gratitude. * * * We must be prompt to avail 

142 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ourselves of the weakness resulting from the exchange of new 
and less reliable forces of the enemy for those heretofore in 
service, as well as of the moral effect produced by the late de- 

" I am, as ever, your friend. 

" Jefferson Davis. "" 

From the correspondence which occurred after the conference 
at Fairfax Courthouse, I select a reply made to General Smith, 
who had written to me in advocacy of the views he had then 
expressed about large reinforcements to the Army of the Poto- 
mac, for an advance into Maryland. Nothing is more common 
than that a general, realizing the wants of the army with which 
he is serving, and the ends that might be achieved if those 
wants were supplied, should overlook the necessities of others, 
or accept rumors of large forces which do not exist, and assume 
the absence of danger elsewhere than in his own front. 

"Richmond, Va., October 10, 1861. 
"Major-General G. W. Smith, Army of the Potomac; 

* * * Your remarks about the moral effect of repress- 
ing the hope of the volunteers for an advance are in accordance 
with the painful impression made on me when, in our council, 
it was revealed to me that the Army of the Potomac had been 
reduced to about one-half the legalized strength, and that the 
arms to restore the numbers were not in depot. As I then sug- 
gested, though you may not be able to advance into Maryland 
and expel the enemy, it may be possible to keep up the spirits 
of your troops by expectation, such as that particularly spoken 
of against Sickle's brigade on the lower Potomac, or Banks' 
above. By destroying the canal and making other rapid move- 
ments, to beat detachments or destroy lines of communication. 

" Very truly your friend, 

" Jefferson Davis/' 

The joyous exultation of the people over the victory at Ma- 
nassas, on the 2 1st of July, 1861 (was followed by murmurs of 
dissatisfaction at what was termed a failure to reap the fruits 

Some War History Never Published. 148 

of victory, and partizan zeal invented the excuse that the gen- 
erals were prevented from pursuing the routed enemy and tri- 
umphantly entering his capital, by the untimely interference of 
the President, when this baseless fiction had been so utterly 
exploded that those who were responsible should have been 
ashamed of it ; in due time another complaint arose, that patriotic 
citizens continued to be sent forward to reinforce the victorious 
army and to spend their time in camps of inactivity; and this 
begat as fallacious a story as the first, viz. : that the inaction was 
due to the "policy of the administration." The two letters inserted 
above, one written before, and the other after the conference at 
Fairfax Courthouse, show what was the fact and who could best 
have corrected the fallacy. 

" Again thanking you for your kind attention, I am, 
" Respectfully and truly yours, 

" Jefferson Davis/'' 

144 Southern Historical Society Paper 

From the Portsmouth, Va., Star, June 8th, 1906. 


Beautiful Tributes to Survivors as Well as Those who 
Fell in Battle in Ranks of Famous Command. 

Unveiled by Misses Emmerson and Grimes, Descendants 
of Gallant Former Commanding Officers. 

Addresses of Captain JOHN H. THOMPSON, Giving History of the 

Command, and of Colonel WM. H. STEWART on 

the ''Patriotism of Peace." 

There was unveiled today in this city a noble shaft, bearing the 
record of the achievements of one of the most famous military- 
organizations in the history of Virginia, or of the South. 

The beautiful monument erected to the memory of the survivors 
as well as those who fell in the engagements in which the old 
Portsmouth Artillery Company, now Grimes' Battery, participated, 
was with appropriate and impressive ceremonies, dedicated to this 
and succeeding generations of liberty-loving Virginians, this after- 

The ceremonies took place at the site of the monument, at 
Washington and South Streets, at 5 o'clock, and were participated 
in by the survivors of the old battery, as well as the veterans of 
Stonewall Camp, C. V., who served in other commands during 
the Civil War. The Portsmouth battalion of the Seventy-first 
Virginia Regiment, commanded by Major Edwin W. Owens, 
participated in* the parade, wearing the blue uniform, which the 
members of the battery wore in the days when they fought for the 
perpetuation of American independence at Craney Island, long 
before sectional strife caused them to change their uniforms and 
their flag for the same principle. 

The successors to the men who marched under Emmerson and 
under Thompson and under Grimes were there in line, too, the rein- 
carnated command bearing the same honored name, under which 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth ArtiUerij. 145 

the battery was reorganized after the war, in honor of its gallant 
commander who fell in defense of its guns. 

There, too, were the noble women who have perpetuated the 
traditions of the South, but who love the Union for which the old 
battery fought as loyally as it did for the South, and for which it 
stands ready to fight again. < 

The Daughters of the Confederacy will have perpetual charge of 
the monument unveiled today, which they received at the con- 
clusion of the afternoon's ceremonies, from the hands of those who 
have faithfully worked to erect it. 

The committee appointed by the Portsmouth Chapter of the 
Daughters to receive the monument were as follows: Mrs. Elizabeth 
N. Neely, Mrs. R. Emmett Crump, Mrs. Alice Parrish, Mrs. 
William H. Stewart, Mrs. C. W. Walker, Mrs. Beulah Lynch 
Cross, Miss Harriet Williams, Miss Alexinia Shannon. 

The unveiling ceremonies at the monument were highly impress- 
ive. After prayer by Rev. C. J. D. Parker, pastor of the Fourth 
Street Baptist Church, and the singing of the "Star Spangled 
Banner" by a trained chorus of twenty-five voices, under the 
direction ol Mrs. J. Griff. Edwards, Captain John H. Thompson, 
a former gallant commander of the battery, made an historical 
address. " The Bonny Blue Flag" was then sung and the formal 
act of unveiling performed by Miss Annie Emmerson, a niece of 
Captain Arthur Emmerson, who commanded at Craney Island in 
the War of 1812, and Miss Palmetto Grimes, a daughter of Captain 
Carey F. Grimes, who led the command to victory on many a hard 
fought field in the Civil War. 

The ceremonies took place upon a stand erected by the city. 
The stand and the monument itself were during the day beautifullv 
decorated by a committee of ladies appointed by the Daughters of 
the Confederacy. The committee consisted of Mrs. Paul C. 
Trugien, Chairman; Mrs. John W. H. Porter, Mrs. F. S. Hope, 
Miss Lucrece Schroeder, Miss Jennie Shea. 

When the covering fell apart, it disclosed the only peace monu- 
ment in the South, the crossed banners of the Union and the 
Confederacy, bearing evidence to the veterans' love of both. 

After the singing of "Tenting on the Old Camp Ground," 
Colonel Stewart delivered his oration, "The Patriotism of Peace." 
"Dixie" was then sung, and the report of the Treasurer, Mr. .W. 
B. Lynch, read. 

146 Southern .Historical Society Papers. 

The choir then sang' " Maryland, My Maryland," and the formal 
presentation of the monument to the Daughters of the Confederacy 
was made. Mrs. Neely, the President of the Chapter, and the 
ladies with her accepted the sacred trust by rising'. 

The exercises closed with the singing of "America" and the 
benediction by Rev. R. H. Potts. 

The members of the trained choir which rendered the music 
are as follows: Mrs. Walker, Mrs. Edwards, Mrs. Virnelson, 
Misses Claudia Old, Elizabeth Old, Reta Renn, Nellie Howell, 
Sadie Wilkins, Mamie Schroeder, Louise Wilson, Annie Blunt 
Ridley, Gertie Brooks, Janie Neely, Messrs. Arthur Hutchins, 
Kit Morse, Timothy Riley, Tom Hume, Johnson Neely, Raymond 
Pearce and Dr. Crossman. 


Portsmouth has never had but one artillery military company. 
It was organized in August, 1809, when John Tyler, the father of 
President Tyler, was Governor of Virginia, by Capt. Arthur Em- 
merson. The State furnished its pieces, and one of them is now 
exhibited in the park of the United States navy yard. The com- 
pany was named the Portsmouth Light Artillery Company, and 
under its organizer, Capt. Emmerson, fought valiantly at Craney 
Island, June 22, 1813. 

The roll of the men who fought in that eventful battle, under the 
Stars and Stripes when the flag contained only eighteen stars, has 
been preserved by the descendants of Capt. Arthur Emmerson, and 
Arthur, of the fourth generation, is now a resident of the city. 

The company continued its organization, and when the war be- 
tween the sections began it enrolled over 100 men, who were 
mustered into the Confederate service on the 20th of April, 1861, 
under Capt. Carey F. Grimes. Its career was marked in this 
service. It was hotly engaged at Malvern Hill, Second Manassas 
and Sharpsburg, where its gallant captain was shot from his horse 
while directing its guns. After this engagement its ranks were so 
depleted that it was disorganized and its men divided between two 
other artillery organizations. 

After the war it was reorganized for the Virginia volunteers under 
Capt. George W. R. McDonell, and after he retired Capt. Carey 
R. Warren was elected its commander. 

The organization is now commanded by Capt. Charles A. Cuth- 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 147 

riell, a son of one of its veterans. In July last Mr. Wilson B. 
Lynch, one of its Confederate veterans, conceived a plan for a 
monument to commemorate its organization, and he with several of 
his companions associated themselves for the purpose of carrying 
out the plan. Mr. Lynch was elected treasurer, and, appealing to 
the people, he soon raised sufficient funds not only to erect the 
monument, but to place a suitable marker over the grave of the 
gallant Grimes. 

The shaft is eighteen feet high, of rough Virginia granite, with 
four polished sides. On one side is inscribed the names of Capt. 
Arthur Emmerson's men who fought with him at Craney Island, 
surmounted by two United States flags, crossed, and on the first 
base "Craney Island" in raised letters. The other three faces con- 
tain the roll of the Confederate soldiers who served under Capt. 
Grimes. The names are surmounted by the Confederate battle 
flag, and on the base "Malvern Hill," "Manassas" and "Sharps- 
burg." This design is an unique conception, and is probably the 
first monument in the United States containing both the Stars and 
Stripes and the Confederate flags. It will stand, although small in 
proportions, as a great peace monument between the sections, 
exemplifying the beautiful sentiment which has united the country 
in spirit as well as in song. 

JUNE 22, 1813. 

Captain Arthur Emmerson, 
First Lieutenant Parke G. Howie, 
Second Lieutenant Thomas Godwin, 
First Sergeant William P. Young, 
Second Sergeant William Drury, 
Third Sergeant James B. Butt, 
Fourth Sergeant Samuel Livingston, 
First Corporal William Mofifett, 
Second Corporal Daniel Cameron, 
Third Corporal John M. Kidd. 

Privates — Richard Atkinson, William Barber, Edward Carter, 
Benjamin Cox, James Deale, George Eames, T. L. Emmerson, 
James Foster, John Gourdie, James Hughes, Philip Hockaday, 
William Hoffler, Richard Keeling, Watson Kelly, John Lawton, 

148 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Aaron Meadow, Abner Nash, John Newell, Samuel Owens, George 
Peel, John Pully, John Roper, Francis Souceedo, James H. Sim- 
mons, Nicholson Scott, George Sweeney, Nathaniel Walker, Joseph 


Captain Cary F. Grimes, Captain John H. Thompson, Lieutenant 
Bernard Fauth, Lieutenant Richard Webb, Lieutenant W. T. 
Fentress, Lieutenant Thomas J. Oakhum, Lieutenant Francis Russ, 
M. W. Allen, J. W. Ashe, William Ashby, William T. Backus, Jr., 
William A. Batten, E. E. Beaton, W. H. Bell, Thomas Bland, C. 
Bohannan, D. Boyce, R. M. Boutwell, George W. Brent, William 
J. Bright, A. M. Brownley, W. H. Buchanan, James Cherry, W. 
H. Cherry, Walter A. Creekmore, G. E. Crismond, J. W. Cris- 
inond, S. J. Cummins, G. D. Culver, William H. Cuthriell, J. A. 
Billion, J. H. Dilsburg, B. Duveryier, John Ewell, T. Fitzsimmons, 
V. Forbes, J. H. Gaskins, Robert Gaskins, J. W. Griffin, H. P. 
Goodson, I. I. Guy, W. R. Hansford, H. Hopkins, J. H. L. Hop- 
kins, W. H. Hughes, A. C. Ironmonger, C. E. Ironmonger, F. M. 
Ives, Jesse Ives, E. H. Johnson, William Jones, G. T. Jones, E. H. 
Jones, J. Jordan, G. W. King, Samuel Lanier, G. W. Lash, Robert 
Lewis, William A. Lewis, C. B. Linn, H. Liverman, Wilson B. 
Lynch, William B. Mahoney, E. G. March, A. Mathews, Edward 
Mathews, J. W. Mathews, Stephen McHorney, Henry Miles, T. E. 
Miller, John Miller, P. H. Miller, A. M. Minter, Richard Mont- 
gomery, W. A. Moore, J. E. Moore, J. E. Morris, Edward More- 
land, J. B. Moreland, A. Morgan, D. Murry, John Murphy, W. T. 
Myers, S. J. Newby, F. J. Nicholson, O. Overman, A. K. Parker, 
E. H. Parker, Thomas Parker, Robert Peed, William B. Phillips, 
M. E. Reardon, Frederick Rehm, W. W. Rew, J. S. Reynolds, 
Joseph Rieger, F. D. Rogers, Samuel P. Russ, Robert Saunders, 
E. J. Sheppard, A. Sprague, H. C. Stokes, M. E. Stokes, J. M. 
Stokes, Richard S. Stores, E. G. Straub. J. W. Snow, E. T. W. 
Summers, William Swain, John B. Tyler, Thomas H. Virnelson, 
|ames T. Waller, C. R. Warren, James Webb, Jr., T. C. Webb, 
John Weymouth, Robert Whitehurst, S. Whitehead, V. White- 
head, William Whitehead, T. J. D. White, Charles C. Williams, 
Charles L. Williams, Edward B. Williams, John Wilson, Willis 
Wilson, Thomas P. Wing, John Wrench, W. E. Shepherd, James 
Stores, John J. Warren. 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 149 

The officers of the Portsmouth Light Artillery Monument Asso- 
ciation are Captain John H. Thompson, president; M. W. Allen, 
secretary; Wilson B. Lynch, treasurer. 

Music Committee — Mrs. J. Griff. Edwards. 

Unveiling Committee — Misses Annie Emmerson and Palmetto 

Chief Marshal — F. J. Nicholson. 

Monument Acceptance Committee — Mrs. E. N. Neely, Mrs. 
Beulah Lynch Cross, Mrs. C. W. Walker, Miss Alex. Shannon , 
Mrs. Alice Parrish, Miss Harriet Williams, Mrs. R. E. Crump and 
Mrs. W. H. Stewart. 

Stage Decoration Committee — Mrs. Paul C. Trugien, Mrs. J. W. 
H. Porter, Mrs. F. S. Hope, Misses Cressie Schroeder and Jennie 

Invitation Co?n??zittee — Captain John H. Thompson, M. W. Allen 
and Wilson B. Lynch. 

Grand Stand Committee — Samuel J. Newby, John Wilson and 
John W. Wood. 

Historical Address of the Former Commander of Grimes 


Fellow Citizens of Portsmouth: 

The Confederate veterans of the Portsmouth Light Artillery 
Company, who have survived the Civil War and lived to see this 
day, are deeply thankful to the people of Portsmouth for this mon- 
ument, to the erection of which the good men and women have 
freely and generously contributed. 

My comrades and I desire to make public acknowledgement of 
our gratitude to the contributors. 

We have made research as far as possible, and have ascertained 
that this company was organized on the 14th day of August, 1809, 
under Capt. Arthur Emmerson, who was commissioned by the first 
Governor Tyler of Virginia. All the officers and soldiers who 
fought at Craney Island on the 22d day of June, 1813, are inscribed 
on the north face of this shaft. 

The next commander of whom we find any record is Capt. T. B. 
Beaton, in 1827. He was succeeded by Capt. Charles Cassell, who 
remained at its head until 1840, when he was succeeded by Capt. 

150 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Charles I. Dimmock. Afterwards Capt. George Bourdette and 
Capt. Virginius O. Cassell were commanders, whether successively 
or not, I am not advised. 

During this long period the organization seems to have main- 
tained a prosperous condition, for its rolls bear the names of many 
of the foremost citizens of our town and county. 

Capt. Carey F. Grimes succeeded Capt. V. O. Cassell and was at 
its head when Gov. John Letcher called out the Virginia volunteers 
to defend State sovereignty. 

At this time, April 20, 1861, Bernard Fauth and I were lieuten- 
ants, and forty-five men were on its muster roll; but in a short time 
the company was recruited to over 100 men. On the night Gosport 
navy yard was evacuated by Com. Charles S. McCauley we were 
ordered out and parked with four old iron smoothbore guns on the 
court green. The next morning a gun's crew was sent to the navy 
yard and the balance of the men with the guns were sent to Fort 
Nelson, and there the men who had been sent to the navy yard re- 
joined the company during the day. We remained at Fort Nelson 
until May 16, 1861, when we were transferred to Hoffler's Creek, 
in Norfolk county. There we were comfortably encamped in a 
location where we could observe all the marine events on Hampton 
Roads, including the celebrated battle between the C. S. Iron-clad 
Virginia and the Federal fleet. 

Our first engagement occurred on October 7, i86r. Some of 
our men were fishing in a small boat, off shore, when a Federal 
steamer came over from Newport News after them. We unlimbered 
our rifle cannon, having received new guns prior to this event, and 
fired one shot at her. She returned the fire, but her shots falling 
short, she hastily put back to her own shore. 

Time will not allow me to detail many events of our camp life at 
Hoffler's Creek, so I will only note two incidents. 

On Wednesday, November 7, 1861, an election was held with 
the following result: For President, Jefferson Davis, 48 votes; for 
Congress, John R. Chambliss, 28 votes; for Congress, William 
Lamb, 17 votes. 

On Tuesday, March 28, 1862, the company was reorganized witli 
ninety-nine men present, all of whom re-enlisted and elected the 
following officers: Carey F. Grimes, captain; John H. Thompson, 
first lieutenant; W. T. Fentress, second lieutenant; T. J. Oakum, 
second lieutenant; Francis Russ, second lieutenant. 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 151 

April i the medical examination took place and we were mustered 
into the Confederate service bv Mai. Edmond Bradford, 

On the 23d of April, 1862, our battery was ordered from Hoffler's 
Creek to reinforce Gen. A. R. Wright at South Mills, N. C, but 
arrived there too late to participate in the battle of Sawyer's Lane. 

We crossed the new cut of the Dismal Swamp canal and bivouac- 
ked at Richardson's Mill, on the Pasquotank river, and on the first 
of May the battery was divided into two sections with a view of at- 
tacking the Federal gunboat Lockwood, which was at anchor a few 
miles above Elizabeth City, N. C. 

Capt. Grimes with his section of one gun, recrossed the river to 
go down on the opposite side so we could attack the enemy 
simultaneously from both sides of the river. 

I took one rifle parrot gun and proceeded by the main road until 
within range of the vessel, then went into masked bivouac to wait 
for daylight, and about daylight on the 2d of May -I opened fire, 
firing five shots at the steamer in rapid succession, and I think we 
struck the ship, for she hauled off down the river. The report of 
her commander says: 

U. S. S. Lockwood, 
Pasquotank River, N. C. , May 2, 1862. 

Sir — While lying at anchor at Three Miles Reach about daylight 
this morning, the enemy opened fire upon me with or two more field 
pieces at a bend in the river three-quarters to a mile distant. After 
a sharp engagement of twenty minutes' duration, I drove them 
from their position (as I have subsequently learned), wounding 
eight of their number and disabling the carriage of one of their field 
pieces. No casualties on our side. Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

G. W. Graves, 
Acting Master Commanding. 

To Lieutenant Commander C. W. Flushe>\ Commanding Naval 
Forces at Elizabeth City, A 7 . C. 

Now Mr. Graves was very much mistaken as to the damage to 
us. No man was injured in the affair on our side, nor was any 
damage done to our gun. We did retreat and return to our camp 
at Richardson's mill. 

When we returned to Portsmouth, we bivouacked for a short 
time on Edward's farm, and on May 8th were ordered to Bower's 

152 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Hill. From there we went to Petersburg, arriving on the 14th of 
May. Then on the 24th of May we were sent to Drewry's Bluff, 
and at midnight on the 28th reached Richmond, sleeping the 
balance of the night on the stone steps of the custom house. 

Next morning, Mrs. K. Adams, who kept a bakery, generously 
treated the whole company to a hot breakfast, which they enjoyed 
and so highly appreciated that the men afterwards held a meeting 
and adopted resolutions of thanks, which were presented to her by a 
special committee. That day we turned our faces toward McClellan, 
who was advancing on Richmond from the Peninsula. 

On the 25th of June we had two guns in action at French's Farm, 
and on July 1st our battery was hotly engaged at famous Malvern 
Hill, where we lost three men killed and seven wounded, and had 
fifteen horses killed and wounded. The conduct of our company 
was highly complimented by General Armistead. 

On the night of the 28th of July we were in action with the gun- 
boats and transports at City Point. 

When wc turned westward for the first Maryland campaign, we 
were, on the 26th of August, engaged in an artillery duel at 
Warrenton Springs, Va., where we lost three wounded, one of 
whom, mortally. Then moving forward we were engaged in the 
battle of Second Manassas; then at Crampton Gap on the 14th of 
September, and, finally, as a distinct organization at bloody 
Sharpsb urg. 

There were three sections of Grimes' Battery. I commanded 
the right section at the Stone Barn when we went into action at 
Sharpsburg. The left section was about 200 yards distant. Captain 
Grimes, while directing the fire of the guns on the left, was shot 
from his horse, and while being carried from the field received two 
more wounds, and two of the men who were bearing him were 
killed before they got him under cover. 

1 was ordered to move the battery back about two hundred yards 
to a range of hills, and then I heard for the first time that Captain 
Grimes was wounded. 1 found him sitting up against a hay rick, 
almost unconscious. I dismounted from my horse, went to him, 
put my arms around his neck, drew his head over my shoulder, 
and said: " Carey, do you know who I am ? " He did not speak, 
but nodded assent. I saw he was dying, then I put my mouth 
close to his ear and said: M Carey, this is our last meeting on this 
earth; if you have got any message for me to carry home, if I should 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 158 

live to get there, now tell me." He whispered: "Tell my wife I 
died lor my country and her." 

Then becoming unconscious, I left him, with a detail of men. 
He died about 8 o'clock that night, and next morning we wrapped 
his body in a tent fly and buried him under a tree in the field with 
Masonic rites. 

While we were engaged in the ceremonies, the owner of the farm 
joined us, and said: "This shall be a sacred spot; I will put a 
fence around it to protect it." 

Soon after we were ordered to retreat to the Virginia side of the 
Potomac; we then disinterred the body, put it in an ambulance in 
charge of Keith Parker and John W. Snow, who brought it over 
the river and buried it on the farm of Mr. Levi Mohler, the father 
of Mrs. Arthur Wilson, of this city. There it remained until it was 
brought home and reinterred in our Oak Grove Cemetery, where 
the Portsmouth Light Artillery Monument Association has set a 
granite marker to tell the spot where the ashes of the brave 
soldier rest. 

The battle of Sharpsburg took place on the 16th and 17th of 
September, 1862. The artillery organization was reduced in men 
and horse to such an extent that on the second of October General 
Lee instructed General Wm. N. Pendleton to submit a plan for 
reorganization, which he did, and it was approved and made effec- 
tual in special orders No. 200: Headquarters, Army Northern 
Virginia, October 4, 1862. * * * VII. The three companies 
of Major Saunders' Battalion will be formed into two. The officers 
of Thompson's. Battery (late Grimes') are relieved from duty with 
the company, and the men will be distributed by Major Saunders 
between Moorman's and Huger's batteries. 

There were seventy- two batteries in the army and eighteen were 
consolidated, leaving fifty-four organizations. This order was pro- 
mulgated to our company at Winchester, and aroused great indig- 
nation among the men, and almost insubordination was manifested ; 
but I advised them to consider the matter soberly and not to dis- 
grace themselves; that I would seek a personal interview with 
General Lee to see if he would revoke it. I immediately rode to 
his headquarters, and after dismounting, met Colonel Chilton, and 
asked him if General Lee was in ? He said yes, and just at that 
time General Lee came out of his tent. I walked up to him with 
his order in my hand, saluted him which he returned, then intro- 

154 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

duced myself as Captain Thompson, of the Portsmouth Light Ar- 
tillery Company. Presenting the order, I said : "General, I have 
come to ask for a reconsideration of this order." He replied : 
"Captain, that order was from the best information of the condition 
of the artillery of the Army of Northern Virginia, and it was pro- 
mulgated for the best interest of that arm of the service. The dis- 
tribution was not intended to reflect upon the officers or men, but 
was necessary for the better organization of the artillery corps. 
Now, Captain, you know that the highest duty of a soldier is to 
obey orders; go to Richmond as your orders require and do what- 
ever you may be ordered. It is just as honorable to do your duty 
there, and far safer." The great commander treated me with the 
utmost consideration, and I saw it was useless to say more on that 
question, so I said : "General Lee, I wish to shake your hand." 
He gave me a warm handshake, and we parted. 

I went to Richmond as required, reported and was assigned to 
duty in the provost marshal's office. 

After awhile, I was sent to Augusta, Ga., to supervise the trans- 
portation of prisoners to Andersonville, when the prison at that 
place was established. On my return to Richmond, General Win- 
der made a requisition for me to command the prison at Anderson- 
ville, upon which an order was made out and sent to me, which I 
returned with this endorsement : 

"I respectfully return this order to the general commanding the 
Department of Henrico, with this statement : Captain Thompson 
did not enter the Confederate army to become a 'Jack Ketch,' a 
jailer or a prison keeper." 

General Gardner immediately sent for me and said : " Captain, 
do you know the responsibility you have incurred by such an 
endorsement on an official paper?" I said* "I mean no dis- 
respect; but I hope you will take up my cause and keep me from 
being a prison keeper." Through my general's influence the 
orders were revoked and Captain Henry Wirz was sent in my 

Friends, I cannot go over my military service in further detail. I 
was in Danville when General Lee surrendered, went in company 
with Mr. J. 11. Sands, of Richmond, to Greensville, N. C. There 
'General Beauregard advised us to go back to Dick Taylor. I said : 
"If there is a spot of land where our flag Hies I will find it." We 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 155 

pushed on, but were captured and paroled in South Carolina, so 
ended my career as a Confederate soldier. 

My wife was a refugee in Richmond, therefore I made my way 
to that city. I wore the uniform in which I surrendered, having 
on this coat, and coming- out of Fourth street to the corner of 
Broad, I met the provost guard in command of a lieutenant, who 
accosted me : "Don't you know it is against orders to wear those 
buttons?" and before allowing me time to respond, ordered his men 
to cut them ofT, and the soldiers performed the operation. When 
it was over I said : ' 'Well, that is the bravest act I have witnessed 
since I have been in Richmond." The "brave" officer warned me 
to say no more on penalty of arrest. I was under parole, and it 
was a humiliating oppression, which I knew General Grant would 
have scorned; but I have forgiven all of my enemies, and have since 
made many dear friends among those who wore the blue uniform. 
Since the day of parole, I have always endeavored to follow the 
advice of General Lee, and be a good citizen of the United States. 


Colonel William H. Stewart on the Lessons of Adversity 
The Star Spangled Banner and the Southern 
Cross on the Same Rock. 

Ladies and Gentlemen , Soldiers and Veterans of the Portsmouth 

Light Artillery : 

What is the meaning of this vast throng of people ? 

Why have these men turned from their daily labor to pause here 
in the highway ? 

Why this rest of strong soldiers in martial ranks ? 

Why these happy, beaming eyes of youth and beauty ? 

Why these grateful hearts of venerable sires ? 

Why the one mind to halt here in the presence of mute blocks 
of stone at this hour? Is it the force of patriotism ? Is it the spon- 
taneous outburst of gratitude for the chivalry of fathers ? Is it the 
love of household gods — home love ? Is it to honor virtue and 
kindle the flame for this (monument) stone vestal lamp to light the 
path of honor and glory forever ? 

Yes. It is Portsmouth striking the cords of civic pride in the 
hearts of her young people. 

156 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Looking backward, you see her sons, in the long ago, bearing 
the goddess of virtue, pass through the gates of honor and place 
upon the brow of Portsmouth a crown of fame. 

Now her young people bow in prayer around the monument of 
her heroes as the altar of good will and peace between all the 
American States. 

Here the old and the young display the patriotism of peace. 

"From pitying Heaven a radiant angel came; 

Smiling, she bade all sounds of conflict cease, 
Her wide wings fanned away the smoke and flame; 

Hushed the red battle's roar — God called her peace. 
She sheathed the dripping sword; her soft hands pressed 

Grim foes apart, who scowled in anger deep. 
She laid two grand old standards down to rest, 

And on her breast rocked weary war to sleep. 

From land and sea she swept mad passion's glow, 

Yet left a laurel for the hero's fame; 
She whispered hope to hearts in grief bowed low, 

And taught our lips, in love, to shape her name. 
Peace spreads her pinions wide from South to North ; 

Black enmity within the grave is laid, 
The church towers chime their holy anthems forth, 

To still the thunders of the cannonade." 

Peple — Munsey. 

Here is the first peace monument of the nation, where the flag of 
the Southern cross and the Star Spangled Banner are graven on 
the same rock to say : "Peace rules the day, where reason rules 
the mind." 

Nearly two thousand years ago Julius Ceasar invaded the British 
islands and forced the Celtic race to yield to his Roman Eagles; 
afterward the Saxons planted their banners on the land of the 
conquered people, and in turn the battle of Hastings brought 
Englishmen under Norman rule. But these invasions gave new 
arts that stimulated recovery from spoliation. The war of the roses 
in the fifteenth century made bitter days for England, and perhaps 
the lessons Britain learned from adversity aided in making her 
mistress of all the seas. The Northmen came upon us in 1861 
"to save the Union." They despoiled our homes, and made 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 15 7 

poverty and deep humiliations possess our fair Southland. By pre- 
ponderance of arms they forced us to surrender our independence; 
but ours was not a " lost cause," because, as the Rev. Dr. McKim 
puts it: " If it is due the valor of the Northern army and navy that 
we have today an indissoluble Union, it is due to the valor of the 
Confederate soldiers and sailors, that that indissoluble Union is 
composed of indestructible States." Who can say that the 
Southern States will not come out like the British Kingdom of old, 
and be the heart of our great republic. 

The manufactories of the South are marvelously growing year by 
year. Cotton is still king, and when the $380,000,000 worth of raw 
cotton now shipped to Europe and the Orient is manufactured at 
home, the South will take her place as one of the richest sections 
of the globe. 

Peace shall give us victory outlasting the stings of war and 
enthrone the reign of charity for our happiness and pleasure. 

I thank God, every day, that I have lived to see an era of love 
supplant the wrath of war. 

Peace has grown upon us with imperceptible silence and sweet- 
ness, and has possessed us like a charm of mythical mystery. 

It germinated in the hearts of firing line of soldiers and drew as 
the wind blows from all quarters. 

Twenty-five years ago a brave captain of the Blue Line, when 
many at the North were still denouncing the South, said : "There 
was a time, during the war, when I was mad, too, but when our 
regiment, well to the close of the struggle, flanked a regiment of 
Johnnies out of their camp, and I saw and heard the prisoners, I 
felt like lifting my hat to them, and as I now recall them and their 
condition, it pretty nearly brings tears. 

"The ground was frozen and every bst prisoner was barefooted, 
and they told us that not more than a quarter of the regiment had 
boots and shoes. 

"For two weeks their rations consisted of one ear of hard corn, 
on the cob for each man a day, and some of the poor fellows were 
so hungry they ate it raw — couldn't wait to parch it. And yet 
those men fcught like tigers for what they thought was right." 

Yes. What they knew was right. He wrote further to his 
comrades: "The way I look at it, boys, it was an honor, a great 
credit to us to fight and get the best of an army of such men and 
soldiers. I am glad as any of you that we won, but I could no 
more say mean things of those brave fellows, that some of our 


158 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

chaps are saying, than I could say mean things about George 
Washington and my dear old grandmother." 

That was the echo of the patriotism of peace from the Pacific 
shore, then from great New York a dying soldier called his son to 
his bedside, to place a Confederate flag in his hands to be returned 
to the Virginia regiment from which it had been captured, "With 
my heartiest good wishes and fraternal feelings." So from heart 
to heart reason spreads, and then the dove of peace flew from the 
North, bringing home the emblems of war, which had waved in our 
comrades' hands on many bloody fields of honor, and some had 
fallen from the dead hands of our color bearers, to go into the forum 
for the victor's trophies. 

What Southern soldier will not respond to these beautiful tokens 
of peace out of the fullness of heart ? 

All hail. Peace in the hearts of Northmen! All honor! for the 
true Southern souls which follow the white plumes of Fitz Lee, 
Gordon and Wheeler into the realms of charity and forgiveness! 

All, glory! to the men of the South and the North who strive 
onward with one mind for the honor and safety of the republic! 

M. W. Allen, Wilson B. Lynch, John H. Thompson and other 
soldiers of the Portsmouth Light Artillery, living and dead, whose 
names are inscribed on this shaft, are the types of manhood who 
welcome peace. 

Although this Union was made indissoluble by blood and iron, 
against their will, Robert E. Lee told them that it must be their 
country — its flag their flag— and that they should live and labor fol- 
ks honor and welfare. 

They have obeyed the injunction of their beloved chieftain since 
the close of hostilities with the same faithfulness as they were wont 
to obey his battle orders. 

They are now heroes in peace as they were heroes in war. They 
stood up when the sun appeared to standstill over the field of blood 
and the day to have no ending. 

These venerable artillerymen, before you, stood up where Mars 
flashed and thundered; stood up at the muzzles of their cannon as 
flashes quickened and grew together into one terrible glare of 
blinding light; stood up with rammers ready as the blaze from 
brazen mouths shone down upon the upturned faces of dead com- 
rades; stood up as valiant men for honor and country; stood up for 
homes and firesides; stood up for priceless virtue and the glory of 
our city of Portsmouth. 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 159 

These veteran artillerymen strikingly illustrate the truth, that 
honor lies not in wealth or emoluments, but only in the memory 
and consciousness of high, noble and unselfish deeds. 

I do not mean to draw any distinction between Grimes' soldiers 
and the men of Craney Island under brave Emmerson, for that 
glorious victory saved our twin towns from destruction, and no 
braver soldiers stood up on any field of blood. It was said that the 
valiant Emmerson fired the shot which sunk the Centipede, result- 
ing in the retreat of the British. 

Resolutions were offered in the General Assembly of Virginia 
tendering the heroes of Craney Island a vote of thanks, and direct- 
ing the Governor to present swords to Major James Faulkner, 
Captain Arthur Emmerson, Lieutenant Parke G. Howie and Lieu- 
tenant Thomas Godwin, and gold medals to Sergeants William P. 
Young and Samuel Livingston and Corporal William Moffett, three 
non-commissioned officers of the Portsmouth Light Artillery Com- 
pany, for their zeal and gallantry in this action. So the faces of 
this monument bear the names of soldiers of two wars, as valiant as 
ever trod battlefields of any nation — equal honor for the heroes of 
the years 1813 and 1861-65. 

Fellow citizens, well do you praise them by graving their names 
with an iron pen on this everlasting rock, a tribute to virtue and 
valor forever. 

The ancients said that virtue is the most manly ornament; that 
truth, the mother of virtue robed in garments as white as snow, 
made the road to honor by a passage through the temple of virtue. 
Then place all these artillerymen who stood up in the fiery strife of 
two wars upon the highest plane of honor. The patriotism of peace 
springeth from their inspiration. 

Kindness subdued the hate of sectional strife; then with a flash of 
glory, all our instruments of war pointed outwardly to make our 
republic a leading world power among the nations. 

This monument to the virtues of our artillerymen under two flags 
is also a vestal lamp for peace between all the Commonwealths of 
the American Union. It is a peace monument which Portsmouth 
dedicates today. 

Vesta, the sister of Jupiter, was the household goddess. So 
great was her devotion to virginity that when her brother gave her 
liberty of asking what she would, she requested that she might 

160 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

always be a virgin and have the first oblations in all sacrifices. She 
was not only granted her desire, but received this further honor 
among the Romans, that a perpetual fire was kept in her temple, 
not upon an altar, nor in the fireplace, but in earthen vessels 
hanging in the air, which the vestal virgins tended with so much 
care, that if by chance this fire was extinguished, all public and 
private business was interrupted, and a vacation proclaimed, till 
they had expiated the unhappy event with incredible penalties and 

In recompense for this severe law the vestals obtained extra- 
ordinary privileges and respect; they had the most honorable seats 
at the games and festivals; the consuls and magistrates gave way 
whenever they met them; their declarations in trials were admitted 
without the form of an oath, and if they happened to encounter in 
their path a criminal going to the place of execution, he immediately 
obtained pardon. 

Upon the calends of March every year, though the fire was not 
extinguished, they used to renew it, with no other fire than that 
which was produced by the rays of the sun. 

This vestal fire, while kept by virgins in Rome, was kept by 
widows in Greece — a beautiful symbol for purity in womanhood 
and honor in manhood. 

The men of the names on this stone stood like a wall of steel and 
iron for the safety of our town, at Craney Island in 1813, and "like 
a stone wall" for State's rights and our city's honor and glory in 

The spirit of chivalry and the patriotism of peace have erected 
this shaft for their remembrance, constituting it a vessel, not 
earthen, hanging in the air, but solid granite firmly planted in the 
highway under the azure dome of the sky for an altar where the 
fire of patriotism will forever burn, and these old veterans have 
decreed, not the virgins of Rome nor the widows of Greece, but 
the Daughters of the Confederacy of Portsmouth Chapter No 30, 
vestals to keep its blaze, vvithour penalties and pains, but with 
more honor than thundering Jupiter could order or Grecian art 
could picture. 

Captain Charles A. Cuthriell, your Portsmouth Artillerymen 
and their successors, must be the guards of this temple as long as 
the vestal lamp holds out. Let your young soldiers make duty 

Shaft to Historic Old Portsmouth Artillery. 161 

and truth their aim, and the Master, who maketh the clouds His 
chariot and walketh upon the wings of the wind, will decorate them 
with the richest ornaments of virtue. 

My Countrymen: The soldiers and sailors are the defenders of 
the State, and duty requires them to endure the severest hardships 
of war and peace. 

The citizens are the foundation of the State — duty makes them 
provide sustainance and equipment for the safeguards. 

All citizens, sailors and soldiers should love the truth as the glory 
of the State. 

162 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, March 18, 1906, and July 15, 1906. 


Survivor, in Search of Information, Learns how it was 
Captured by Rebels. 

Some Interesting War History, with Additional Particulars 
in a Letter of Mr. B. A. Sowell. 

The correspondence below would be interesting merely as an 
exchange of letters. It is doubly interesting in that it brings 
out some war history that otherwise might be forever lost. 

This letter is given just as it was received by the head citi- 
zen of the town of Smithfield, Va. 

Philadelphia, Pa., February 22nd, 1906. 

To the Mayor or Head Citizen of the Town of Smithfield, Isle 
of Wight County, Virginia: 

Dear Sir, — i am Seeking Information on Something occurred 
Some 42 years ago if you were not then a Resident of the Town 
Perhaps Some one to whom you Show this Letter Can help you 
out with the information That i Desire 6n the first Day of Feb- 
ruary 1864 i was taken a Prisoner of War in the town of Smith- 
field along with 12 New york Calvary and a Detachment of the 
99th New york Infantry and Some pf my Battery A 3rd Pa. 
Heavy artillery and some of Battery B 3rd Pa. artillery making 
some no all told and one of our Light Draught Gunboats -Named 
Smith Briggs was Blown up By the Soldiers opposing us. 

our Commander By the Name of Captain Lee a Newyork man 
was a Coward and he Drew us up in Line on the first road 
Next to the Little River which i think was Called Pagan Creek 
told the Boys all who were in favor of Surrender Hold up their 
Right Hand the New yorkers Hands went up almost to a man 
only one Pennsylvanian Sent up his hand the New yorkers had 
the Strongest Side So Captain Lee Signed the Surrender Look- 

Yankee Gunboat "Smith Briggs" 163 

nig as white as this Paper i am writing upon Now Thought i 
would be among you in December Last and Could ask the Ques- 
tions for myself on my Return from the Dedication of a Monu- 
ment at Andersonville, Ga. to all who Died Down there in 1864 
and 1865 But on account of a Bad Spell of Rheumatism i could 
not go to Georgia to the Dedication So i am Now Confined to 
the House with the Same Trouble So i Thought i would write 
to See if i Could get Some Information to Gladden the Heart 
of the only one besides myself who is living out of no who was 
taken at Smithfield the Information i would Like to get is what 
the Name of the Battery opposed us and the Name of the Caval- 
rymen and the Regiment of Infantry. Perhaps Some one may be 
in your Town to Day who was in the fight who Could tell 
you all about it i am only 63 years old and Surely Some one 
is a Living at this Day who Saw That Little fight. 

What Become of the Remnents df the Gun Boat and how far 
was it to That Peice of Woods where the fight opened on Satur- 
day how far is it to Ivor Station where one of our Wounded 
was Burried if it isn't to tiresome Give me a Good Long Let- 
ter how things went on in Smithfield until after the Close of 
one of the Most Unjust Wars That History Ever Recorded 
and my Prayers are That Such a War will never Take Place 
again in this Great Country of ours to mar the peace and Hap- 
piness of the Greatest Country on the Face of God's Earth. 

We were Taken to Belle Isle Near Richmond and on the 10 
Day of March we were Taken to Andersonville Georgia marched 
in the Stockade Down there on St. Patrick's Night March 17th 
Released October 18th 1864 and 5 came home and only two now 
left if you can't find time to answer give this to Some Good and 
Kind Hearted Lady to answer. Enclosed Please find Stamps 
for answer, my Name and address William W. Rodgers, 2553 
North Colorado Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Fraternally yours, 

William W. Rodgers. 

Mayor Joyner, of Smithfield, referred the above letter to Mr. R. S. 
Thomas, who, in making the following full reply, added to the store 
of very interesting Confederate history. 

161 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


Smithfield, Va.j Feb. 2.7, 1906. 

William W. Rogers, Esq. , No. 2553 North Colorado Street, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

My Dear Sir, — Yours of February 22d, to the Mayor or head 
citizen of the town of Smithfield, relative to the destruction of 
the Federal gunboat Smith Briggs and the capture of the Fed- 
eral forces under Captain Lee, on the 1st day of February, 1864, 
was received by V. C. Joyner, Mayor of the town, on the 24th 
of this month, and he, on the same day, delivered the letter to 
me for reply. I will give you the information you desire, so far 
as I can, with a great deal of pleasure. 

My brother, J. O. Thomas, of Four Square, now in his sev- 
enty-third year, was an active participant in the engagement of 
February 1, 1864. I have frequently heard him narrate the cir- 
cumstances with great circumstantiality, and on Saturday night 
last I went up to his house and got him to repeat the story so 
that I might give it to you with freshness and accuracy. 

Captain Sturdivant, of Richmond, Va., with two pieces of ar- 
tillery, with two small companies of North Carolina infantry, and 
with a few cavalrymen of that State, went down to Cherry 
Grove, about ten miles from Smithfield, where he had a splendid 
and unobstructed view of the whole river front from that point 
to Norfolk, so that he might see and report anything and every- 
thing that was going on. 

While he was going to Cherry Grove the Smith Briggs was 
bringing Captain Lee and his men to Smithfield for a similar 
purpose. They were unobserved by Captain Sturdivant, and 
were entirely unsuspected by him. 

On Sturdivant's return from Cherry Grove, he suddenly, and 
to his amazement, ran into the forces under Captain Lee, at Six 
Oaks, near Scott's Factory, about four miles from Smithfield. 

A slight engagement ensued. The result of it was, Lee fell 
back to Smithfield, and Sturdivant went on his way, westwardly, 
to Ivor. 

In going to Ivor he parsed right by my brother's farm — Four 
Square — an estate of about three thousand acres, about four miles 
from Smithfield, and about seven miles from Six Oaks. 

Yankee Gunboat "Smith Briggs." 165 

My brother, on learning the strength of Captain Lee's forces, 
and that they were " bottled up " in Smithfield, without the pro- 
tection of their gunboat, sent a note to Captain Sturdivant, at 
Ivor, soliciting his return, saying the capture of Lee's forces 
in Smithfield was an easy thing to do. 

Sturdivant returned promptly. 

My brother joined his command at Jones' store, (two miles 
from Smithfield), and conducted them to Steven's store (less 
than half a mile from the town). 

At Steven's store — Lee's forces in Smithfield — posted right 
on the top of Todd's Hill, at the junction of Church and Main 
streets, could easily be seen by Captain Sturdivant. Captain Stur- 
divant sent a note to Captain Lee, demanding instant surrender, 
and signed that note as Brigadier-General. 

Captain Lee replied, asking an interview with the officer in 
command of the Confederate forces. 

My brother told Sturdivant that Lee was expecting his gun- 
boat, and was playing for time. He asked Captain Cheshire, a 
boatman, who was present, what tide was it? Cheshire replied 
that it was flood tide. 

My brother then informed Captain Sturdivant that this was 
the tide that would bring the Smith Briggs up to take on and 
-escue Captain Lee's forces. He urged immediate action. 

The demand for instant surrender was renewed. It was re- 

The officer bearing the refusal (Sergeant Hennis) returned 
with his horse in a run all the animating influences of whip and 
spur, saying before he alighted, that the expected gun-boat was 
in sight. 

During these negotiations, Captain Sturdivant, at the sugges- 
tion of my brother, moved up his forces, a hundred and fifty or 
two hundred yards to Spratley's Hill, on the same road, just out 
of the corporate limits of the town. 

When the demand for surrender was refused — my brother, 
who was perfectly familiar with every foot of the ground — sug- 
gested to Captain Sturdivant, that he divide his infantry forces 
into two columns — the one on the right to be led by him down 
and through ravines and behind houses to the Presbyterian church 
•n Church street; the other on the left to be led by Junius Wil- 

166 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

son and Captain Cheshire, through other ravines and behind other 
houses to and through the lot of William Henry Jordan, at the 
top of Todd's Hill — thus assailing, unobserved, Captain Lee's 
forces on both flanks. Whilst the artillery was all the while en- 
gaging them in front. 

When the columns led by my brother emerged through the 
ravines into Church street, at the Presbyterian church, less than 
one hundred yards distant from Captain Lee, it was immediately 
observed by him and his men; and they broke and ran down 
Todd's Hill to the county wharf, where they threw the artillery 
overboard, and then ran down and along the creek to the lot of 
William H. Day, and to Hodge's Shipyard adjoining, seeking the 
shelter and protection of the Smith Briggs. 

Sturdivant, observing the panic, instantly pursued, quickly 
placed one of his guns on the county wharf and sent the other 
to the hill at Hodge's Shipyard, and thus at both places had the 
gunboat in full sight and in easy range. The gun on the county 
wharf sent a shot through her and right into her steam chest. 
She instantly surrendered. 

A part of Captain Lee's force was captured in the garden of 
William Henry Day, in a large vacant house in the shipyard, 
and at other places on the creek front. 

Captain Lee and some six or seven men swam the creek to 
the mainland and thus reached Old Town (now Battery Park), 
at the mouth of Pagan Creek, where they signalled passing boats, 
and thus escaped. 

Six Oaks is four miles from Smithfield in the southeast. Ivor 
is eighteen miles from Smithfield to the west. Four Square is 
four miles from Smithfield on the road to Ivor. 

The North Carolina Cavalry with Sturdivant's Battery, was 
under the command of Captain Pipkin. I do not know the 
names of the captains of the two small infantry companies. 


In going to Ivor you stopped at " Four Square " for water. 
You may remember the lady of the house as a red-hot Rebel. 
Captain Pipkin had on his horse behind him, a boy of your 
command, some twelve or thirteen years of age, who was a little 
" sassy " to her. She recognized him after the war, in the Green 

Yankee Gunboat ''Smith Briggs" 167 

House of the Soldier's Home, at Hampton, Va. She was admir- 
ing his flowers when there was a mutual recognition. 

After the surrender of the Smith Briggs she was set on fire, 
and when the flames reached her magazine, with two tons of 
powder, she was blown all to pieces. The wreck remained until 
1867 or 1868, when it was removed by the general government, 
or some of its agents. 

I own and have lived at the lot formerly known as the Wil- 
liam Henry Jordan lot, right at the top of Todd's Hill, ever 
since January 1, 1868. 

I have a memento of the fight of February 1, 1864, in my yard, 
a cannon-ball right at the front-door step. I found it here, and 
here it has been ever since. There were some other cannon 
balls, in the trees and houses about town, but they have all dis- 

Smithfield has grown greatly since those days. It is now a 
prosperous and flourishing town, with paved streets, and side- 
walks, with water, gas, public and private schools, with many 
churches, with two banks, with several peanut factories, and with 
many curers of the celebrated Smithfield hams. Of course, that 
industry flourishes on my brother's estate. He has been a curer 
of these hams ever since 1855. He is now in his seventy-third 
year of his age, and he and his wife, still a Rebel, celebrated their 
golden wedding last November. 

We are very sorry to know that you have been such a sufferer 

from rheumatism. If it ever allows you to travel, we would 

be glad to see you. If you would like to have the full name of 

Captain Sturdivant, I will endeavor to get it. If there be any 

other information that you would like to have relative to the 

engagements alluded to, or to the town and its people, I will 

be pleased to furnish it. 

Yours truly, 

R. S. Thomas. 

Hardware, Fluvanna Co., Va. 
Mr. R. S. Thomas: 

Dear Sir, — I was very much pleased to see your description of 
the capture of the gunboat Smith, Briggs at Smithfield in the 

168 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Times- Dispatch of recent date. I was a member of Captain Nat. 
A. Sturdivant's battery of Artillery, but was not present at Smith - 
field; was with those who went to Cherry Grove the day before, 
and as Mr. Rodgers expressed the wish that some one would give 
an account of the engagement at Scott's Factory, and as all of our 
commissioned officers are now dead, this account if given at all 
must be by some other of those present. 

I cannot give the names of other captains of companies engaged, 
nor the number of the North Carolina Regiment at that time sta- 
tioned at Ivor, but it was from Clingman's Brigade, and Colonel 
Jordan was its commander. He (Colonel J.) was in command of 
the line of the Black water. 

Our battery was in winter quarters about a mile from Ivor and 
nearer the river. In some way Col. J. was informed that a gun- 
boat was expected up the Nansemond River, and that it would be 
possible for artillery to either capture or destroy it. The force de- 
spatched for that purpose consisted of the first section of our artil- 
lery and one small company of infantry (its actual number was forty- 
seven); also about one dozen cavalrymen, who were to act as 

We remained at Cherry Grove until after high tide, and on our 
return were met by a cavalryman on top of the hill before reaching 
the Factory. Had stopped to wait for the pickets to come in. The 
courier told Captain Sturdivant that the Yankees had landed at 
Smithfield, and thought there were some two or three hundred of 

The Yankees were evidently close behind the courier, for he was 
taken prisoner on reaching the woods on top of the opposite hill. 

Mr. Whitfield, the Confederate Congressman from your district, 
was passing along, and was made prisoner, also. 

Having that information, Captain Sturdivant started to go to the 
junction with the Smithfield Road to prevent being cut off, and 
wait there for the pickets. With no thought of the enemy being 
so near, we marched in column, and very soon after the head of the 
column passed the dwelling houses, we were fired upon from am- 
bush at a distance of less than two hundred yards. 

It was the first time Captain .Sturdivant was under fire, and no 
veteran could have displayed greater coolness. He sat his horse 
;md gave his commands with apparent calmness. It was his de- 
meanor that put confidence in his men, and all stood at their posts. 1 

Yankee Gunboat "Smith Briggs" 169 

We remained at least an hour after firing had ceased, searching 
for Lieutenant Perkins, of the infantry, but did not find him at the 
time. He died of his wound. 

Under the circumstances, the captain did not think it prudent to 
keep the direct road, but went back some distance and took another 
road to camp. 

We had not gone to sleep before a messenger came with an order 
to proceed at once to Smithfield, as the Yankees had gone back to 
that place. It was then that two companies of infantry were sent. 

I think a company of cavalry was already near Smithfield. 

There was an intermission in the firing which perhaps Mr. 
Rodgers could explain. 

I have always thought strange of the fact that they did not charge 
us, for we marched in plain view for about three-fourths of a mile, 
and they could have counted every man of us, and must certainly 
have known our weakness. The pickets came up during the en- 

If Mr. Rodgers should desire to ask for further information con- 
cerning the Scott's Factory fight, I would take pleasure in replying 
if able to give what he wanted. 

I have taken the liberty of addressing this to you, so that all 
parties connected with this correspondence might have some know- 
ledge of the facts, and will leave it for you to communicate to Mr. 
Rodgers — and should the facts given be thought worthy of a place 
in history, would not object to seeing them in the Times- Dispatch. 

Yours very truly, 

B. A. Sowell. 

Note. — Sturdivant's Battery continued with its effective work 
on many bloody fields throughout the war, and its commander was 
promoted to the rank of Major. He was a popular and prominent 
lawyer of Richmond. — Ed. 

170 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


Dash and Heroism of the Maryland Line — Stonewall 

Jackson's Flank Saved — Recollections Revived 

by the 45th Anniversary. 

A Paper read before the Isaac R. Trimble Camp, No. 1035, United 

Confederate Veterans, Baltimore, Md., October 2, 1906, by 

Colonel W1NFIELD PETERS, Maryland Member of 

the Historical Committee, and on Southern 

School History, U. C. V. 

In the first Battle of Manassas, July 21, 1861, our First Mary- 
land Regiment lastly and hotly engaged a brigade of the enemy 
from the edge of a woods overlooking a declivity, then a dry 
ditch at the foot, then a hill, on the crest of which the enemy was 
formed in battle line. We fired at point-blank range of, perhaps, 
500 yards, awaiting reinforcements. The regiment was well 
dressed on the colors and the firing unobstructed, but the heat 
was intense, and the absence of wind prevented the smoke from 
rising; hence the view of the enemy's line was now and then 


In Murray's company (second from the right) were Privates 
Geo. Lemmon, N. J. Watkins and W. Peters. Watkins was 
my file leader, and Lemmon was next on my right in the rear 
rank. Watkins knelt and fired, thus facilitating my firing, but 
shortly he rose to his feet, and in rising Lemon fired, sending 
the charge from his musket through Watkins' cap, from back 
to front, and likely it passed through his hair. Seeing his cap 
flying in front of him, Watkins stepped forward at the risk of 
being shot, picked it up, and as coolly retook his place in the 
ranks. George Lemmon afterward told me — in his sly way — 
that he had two cartridges in his musket ! Our cartridges con- 
tained a bullet and three buckshot ("buck and ball"). The 
firing was so deafening that no one could tell whether his piece 
was discharged. This was particularly so on our immediate 

First Battle of Manassas. 1*1 

right, where Jackson's men were fighting desperately. It has 
been jocosely remarked that this was the only " wound " Nick 
Watkins got during the war. 


Soon the Third Tennessee Regiment came up and promptly 
aligned on our right, and thereupon we were told that we must 
charge and carry the hill in our front. Immediately the two 
regiments — numbering together some 1,200 — well aligned, 
charged out of the woods at " Double-quick," " Charge bayon- 
ets," with a ringing yell. At once the Yankees seemed to cease 
firing, and after we clambered out of the ditch they disappeared 
from the hill, the top of which we reached as speedily as possible. 
We expected, of course, to receive their fire at short range. 
Gaining the crest of the hill, a magnificent battle view was dis- 
closed. Covering the hill were the wounded and dead of the 
enemy, and in our immediate front the Yankees we had fought 
were fleeing down the hill at a gait that we tired fellows could 
not duplicate. They must have started for the rear when we 
got out of the ditch and began to climb the hill in their front. 

One of them said, after the war, that he did not stop running 
until he reached his home, Bangor, Maine. Another Yankee 
soldier, who was wounded in the face, was asked how that hap- 
pened, as they all run at Bull Run. He said he " run a mile and 
looked back!" 

As we swept over the ridge, looking to the left, we could see 
the Tenth Virginia rallying upon the left of the First Maryland ; 
thus precipitating the three regiments upon the enemy's right 
flank, in the general assault that drove them in flight from the 

While engaging the enemy from the woods, two six-pounder 
guns under Lieutenant Beckham, of Pelham's Battery, took posi- 
tion on our left and fired effectively; also a squadron or two of 
Stuart's cavalry were seen charging at the distance of perhaps 
1,000 yards from our left, and on capturing the hill we could 
still see the cavalry sweeping toward the left front, following 
and charging the retreating Yankees. As stated, the Tenth Vir- 
ginia Regiment, having reached the field and united with the 
Maryland and Tennessee regiments, we moved toward the Henry 

172 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

House, where the heaviest fighting had occurred, and halted at 
the captured guns of Rickett's Battery, (U. S. regulars), which 
were being turned upon the retreating foe. 


The charge of the Maryland and Tennessee regiments, with 
the Virginia regiment aligned thereon; with a simultaneous ad- 
vance of the Confederate lines; broke the enemy, who then be- 
gan the famous Bull Run rout. The carnage here (the Henry 
House plateau) was awful, the first of many sanguinary battles to 
follow. Fatigued almost to exhaustion, without food or water. 
we were yet marched after the retreating Yanks, across the stone 
bridge, then back to the battlefield in the night, where we slept 
upon the ground as soundly and satisfiedly as victorious soldiers 
ever did under like stress. 

The first Maryland Battalion, infantry, was formed at Har- 
per's Ferry in May, 1861, and became a regiment in June fol- 
lowing, by the addition of more companies. They participated 
in the Valley campaign under Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, ending in 
the sudden movement of Johnston's army, July 18, and the forced 
march to the support of General Beauregard at Manassas. The 
Fourth Brigade (under Colonel Arnold Elzey, of the First Mary- 
land) was the last to reach the field of battle, July 21. Under 
the personal command of Gen. E. Kirby Smith, the Maryland 
regiment, upon detraining near Manassas Junction, was quickly 
started at double-quick to reinforce Stonewall Jackson, (who re- 
ceived his soubriquet that day), and the distance, about five miles, 
was made (it was said, in three-quarters of an hour) under the 
blazing sun, over a road so dusty that the clouds of dust raised 
by the brigade caused the enemy to conclude that large reinforce- 
ments were moving to the Confederate left, while on the other 
hand, the Confederate generals, not expecting Elzey's brigade 
so soon, were apprehensive that the enemy was in their rear. 
.Vloreover, the colors could not be described, which dilemma re- 
sulted in the Stars and Bars giving place to the renowned Con- 
federate battle-flag, having a St. Andrew's cross on a red field — 
symbolical of suffering and blood — and was designed by Gen- 
eral Beauregard, a Catholic. 

Most conspicuous and inspiriting was the activity and manifest 

First Battle of Manassas. 173 

skill of General Smith, at the railroad. Seizing upon the First 
Maryland, when alighting, we were hurried into the road, or- 
dered to place jackets and knapsacks under a nearby cherry tree, 
then formed column and moved off at "double-quick." The 
General's curt command was " Forward to the firing : The pass- 
word is Sumter." 

The Maryland regiment (battalion of direction) nearing the 
battlefield was turned from the road into an open field, when, im- 
mediately, while in column of fours, they met a severe musketry 
fire, which disabled General Smith and others. Instantly, at 
double-quick, the column was deployed into line (right in front), 
and, charging, rushed to the woods from which the enemy were 
firing, causing them to retreat, and preventing them from form- 
ing in Jackson's left rear. 

private swisher's rash>tess fatal. 

Halting here, at the edge of the pine thicket, we were ordered 
to lie down, hence were protected from the enemy's desultory 
fire, directed principally toward the colors, but, Private Swisher, 
of " A " company — next to the color company — more curious 
than the others, failing to obey the order to lie down, was killed 
by a bullet through his forehead. So anxious was Elzey to con- 
tribute to save the day and speedily, that, without waiting for re- 
inforcements, we were soon ordered to " Attention," and the 
regiment moved off by the left flank, in twos, then formed in 
battle line and advanced to support Jackson's left, which they 
did and most opportunely. 


Men famishing with thirst and hunger dropped in the rear to 
gather blackberries we were marching over, but instantly 
the gallant Geo. H. Steuart, lieutenant-colonel commanding, ran 
at them, with his sabre raised very ominously, yelling at them. 
' " Get back in ranks : We may be cut to pieces," and there was 
no more falling out of ranks. But, escaping the possible enfilad- 
ing fire, the regiment pressed on until the enemy was met and 
defeated, as first related. 


Colonel Elzey was chagrined at General Smith's superceding 

174 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

him and leading the Maryland regiment to the battle. Seeing 
Smith fall, Elzey — oblivious to the perilous situation — exclaimed 
to Major Bradley T. Johnson: "God is just; Smith is dead! 
Johnson, get his horse. This means for me six feet of ground, 
or a yellow sash" — worn only by generals. The horse ran off 
and the gallant major was suffering from scurvy. 

Elzey, though brave, was presumptive; moreover, he did not 
possess the calibre of Smith. Smith had immortalized himself, 
and recovering from his almost fatal wound, he returned to us 
a Major-General. The sequence is strange : Almost a year there- 
after, Elzey, commanding his brigade in the battle of Cold Har- 
bor, received just such a wound as Smith's, which likewise made 
him a Major-General. 


It happened that about the time the Maryland regiment reached 
the battlefield President Davis also arrived, having come from 
Richmond by railroad and ridden on horseback from Manassas. 
He was first seen among the troops fighting on Jackson's right, 
encouraging and rallying them. Jackson sent to inquire what 
civilian was rallying his men, and the information brought back 
was satisfactory. Jefferson Davis at that period was rated 
among the elite of living American soldiers. Having learned 
of the conduct of the Maryland regiment, the President promptly 
rode over, and saluting our colonel, addressed him as General 
Elzey, and General Beauregard dubbed him the Blucher of the 
day. Nevertheless, had we been 15 minutes later in checking 
the enemy, advancing, there would, probably, have been no Blu- 
cher of Manassas, because they would have enveloped Jackson's 
left flank, which, with the extreme left — two regiments under 
Colonel Jubal A. Early — must have retired, and quite likely not 
in the best order, judging from the evidences of demoralization 
we witnessed during the last half of our march. A regiment was 
seen resting by the roadside, and scores of men were leisurely 
making for the rear, who, replying to anxious questions as to 
the progress of the battle, answered, to a man, that our army 
was defeated. General Smith (riding at a trot, we at double- 
quick step), would now and then turn to us and in a command- 
ing tone exclaim: "Pay no attention to those skulkers and pol- 

First Battle of Manassas. 175 

troons. Follow me to the firing ! " In truth, the energy and 
brave example of the General inspirited us, despite our well nigh 
exhausted condition, to arrive at the right time, at the right 
place, make the dash, follow it up and drive the enemy from 
the field. And it was the first display of the skill and bravery 
in battle characteristic of the Southern West Pointers. Johnston 
planned, Smith, Elzey and Steuart led. With the three typical 
regiments, at the critical juncture of the day, the Yankees were 
fated on that field. Jackson Avould gladly have led us on 
to Washington, and he said so, but was not permitted, nor per- 
haps consulted, but the fatal mistake was discovered 'ere long. 
And victory always followed Jackson. A word as to this a little 
further on. 

That the loss in killed and wounded in the First Maryland 
was not greater was because of their promptness, energy and 
dash in responding to orders, and the ready skill of our leaders. 
A noteworthy case of a badly wounded man was that of Sergeant 
John B. Berryman, (a file closer) of " C " company, (first from 
the right), who fell simultaneously with General Smith. He 
kept his bed during nearly the entire war, and the ill-effects from 
wound never ceased until he died, on January 21, 1898, 36 years 
and 6 months from the day he was wounded, the anniversary of 
the birth of Stonewall Jackson, to whose aid Berryman was hur- 
rying when shot. 

smith's brigade saved the day. 

There appears in the Confederate Veteran, August, 1906, pp. 
364-65, the following: "Concerning Military Career of General 
J. E. Johnston, President Davis wrote, February 18, 1865 : "In- 
deed we were saved from a fatal defeat at the First Battle of 
Manassas only by the promptness of General E. Kirby Smith, 
who, acting without orders and moving by a change of direction, 
succeeded in reaching the battlefield in time to avert a disaster." 
Note the words "fatal defeat," etc. 

stonewall jackson's way. 

Jackson's magnificient victory and the unparelled valor of his 
Stonewall Brigade seemed to be ignored. With a bullet broken 
finger, he was left to mutter: "With 10,000 such men I could 

176 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

take Washington." Jackson could see the way; the two com- 
manding Generals and the President — who deferred to them, as 
he said — could not. Johnston said: (repeating it to me and 
others, after the war) "We cannot cross a river a mile wide and 
1 8 feet deep." Jackson and Stuart would have found Seneca 
ford, on the Potomac, 12 miles above Washington, easily fordable. 
The day after the battle, we had, with reinforcements, 3,000 
cavalry on the field. Jackson would have interposed between 
Washington and the Federal forces in the lower Valley under 
Maj. Genl. Patterson. The dread of "rebel cavalry" and "masked 
batteries" would have intensified Jackson's advance and the Wash- 
ington Government would have fled the city, or capitulated. 

The First Maryland did their w T ork in this (their first) battle in 
Stonewall Jackson's way, fourteen months before the famous war 
lyric, "Stonewall Jackson's Way," was penned — under the inspira- 
tion of the guns at Sharpsburg, by Dr. John Williamson Palmer, 
of Baltimore. To find the enemy, go at him, quickly, rush upon 
him and keep it up ; 'trust in God and keep your powder dry ;' was 
Stonewall Jackson's way. 


The star actor in the First Maryland was Bradley Tyler John- 
son. Its last colonel, he led it through the Valley and Richmond 
campaigns, and until, in August, 1862, reduced to one half its 
original strength, the regiment was mustered out of service, by 
some occult method in the Richmond War Office. Colonel John 
son was justly indignant and refused to make a request to have 
the order rescinded, whereupon, General Jackson assigned him 
to the command of the Second Brigade in the Stonewall Division, 
which fought heroically at the Second Battle of Manassas. 


Captain Murray's company was mustered out of service, June 
i8th, 1862 — the one year term of enlistment having expired — 
but they, with few exceptions, served faithfully to the end, 
whether re-enlisting or commissioned. The aggregate muster 
roll was about 120. With the First Maryland, they participated 
in General J. E. Johnston's Valley campaign, 1861; the Manassas 
campaign, 1861-1862; and in Stonewall Jackson's Valley cam- 

First Battle of Manassas. 177 

paign, 1862. Captain Wm. H. Murray of our "H" Company— 
the crack company of the regiment — was a young officer of ex- 
ceptional merit and promise and greatly beloved. 

Leading his Company "A," Second Maryland Infantry, Captain 
Murray fell in the desperate charge at Gettysburg, the morning of 
July 3d, 1863. Gettysburg had no sublimer hero than Murray, 
the typical captain of the Maryland infantry. Major Golds- 
borough — intrepid and skillful — commanding the battalion, before 
advancing to the charge, said to him: "Captain Murray, I have 
the most implicit confidence in your ability to lead our men. Take 
charge of the right wing: I will look after the left, as I know 
them better." Thus, on that bloody, fated field, these two best 
line officers parted forever. Murray, in the fore front, killed ; 
Goldsborough, thought mortally wounded, but, recovered ; like- 
wise Lt. Col. Herbert, in the successful charge the night before ; 
two-thirds of the battalion dead or wounded. Though repulsed, 
by heavy odds, behind rifle trenches, the shattered regiment re- 
tired in good order and were not pursued. 

Of the two soldiers first before mentioned; Geo. Lemmon be- 
came an ordnance officer and served with credit on the staffs of 
distinguished Generals. He died August 29, 1905, having on 
August 25th passed his 70th year. Mr. N. J. Watkins, who after- 
ward served in the Signal Corps, is the well known, able 
journalist. Of the third, who was promoted to a lieutenancy ; 
the late General Bradley T. Johnson, not long before he died, 
wrote: "Peters is the best all around assistant adjutant general I 
ever met. I have known him since 1861. Can* do any thing he 
undertakes and do it better than any one else.'' In addition to 
these, the Baltimoreans, still living, who were under Captain Mur- 
ray at First Manassas, are: Captains Clapham Murray, his 
brother, and McHenry Howard, General John Gill, Col. Frank 
Markoe Major Jas. Wm. Lyon, Judge Daniel G. Wright, Lieuten- 
ants Charles B. Wise, Charles E. Grogan, David S. Briscoe. 
Thomas B. Mackall and W infield Peters ; Privates, J. McKenny 
White, Sommervel Sollers and J. Southgate Lemmon. Rev. Ran- 
dolph H. McKim. D. D., is in Washington, D. C. ; Lieut. Richard 
T. Gilmor and Private Henry F. Schliephake are at the Confed- 
erate Soldiers' Home, Pikesville, Md. ; Captain Frank X Ward 
and Private Fred'k L. Pitts, are in Philadelphia, Pa., and Private 

178 Southern Historical Society Payers. 

Duncan M. Turner is in Leonardtown, Md. These are probably 
the only survivors. 

A broken shaft of marble in the Confederate burial plot, in 
Loudon Park Cemetery, Baltimore, to Murray and his men, tells 
the sixty who gave up their lives in the Confederate struggle : 
about one fourth of the whole number mustered. 


The monument is the tribute of the Murray Confederate Asso- 
ciation, who, likewise, were instrumental in erecting the massive 
granite monument to tiie Second Maryland Infantry, on Gulp's 
Hill, Gettysburg; the only one thus far permitted by the Gettys- 
burg National Cemetery authorities to Confederates, to be placed 
so near the Federal lines. But, they had to concede that the 
Maryland regiment took, occupied and held (July 2 and 3) the 
place where their monument stands. Indeed, the bloody charge 
on July 3 was made at a distance beyond it. This Maryland mon- 
ument, erected in 1886, stands to-day the only Confederate 
monument on the battlefield of Gettysburg. 


Private Lemmon received deserved promotion. Years after 
the war, General William H. Payne, on whose staff he had served, 
paid him a sly compliment. "Lemmon," he said, "I sometimes 
didn't know whether you were on my staff or I on yours." George 
Lemmon was a true type of a Maryland soldier and gentleman, 
and was as intelligent as he was brave. He was destined to die 
while traveling and aproaching the old Manassas battlefields. He 
died on the fortieth aniversary of the death of my father — which 
resulted from service in the Confederate Army — Colonel George 
Peters, commanding the old First Rifle Regiment, Baltimore, 
many men from which entered the Confederate service, at the 
very beginning, assisted by the colonel and myself, lieutenant 
and paymaster. Col. George Peters and Captain George Lemmon 
lie a short distance apart in Greenmount Cemetery, awaiting the 
last trumpet call. 

The Dahlgren Baid. 179 


A Paper read by request before R. E. Lee Camp, No. i 
C. V., March gth, igo6. 

By Comrade RICHARD G. CROUCH, M. D., who is also a Member 
and Surgeon of Geo. E. Pickett Camp, C, V. 

[Our valued friend, from days a?ite-bellum, is a highly esteemed 
citizen and successful practitioner of this city. Being- a gentleman 
of means, he delights in benefactions to the needy and those in dis- 
tress. Upon intimation to him of such wants, relief is immediately 
extended. His quiet charities, unknown to the public, have been 
to a multitude of grateful recipients. 

Company H (originally called "Lee's Rangers") 9th Virginia 
Cavalry, in which he served gallantly, had as its first Captain, 
Wm. H. F. Lee, subsequently Major- General, and familiarly known 
as " Rooney Lee." 

A brother of the editor, H. C. Brock, a member of the faculty of 
Hampden-Sidney College, who was severely wounded at Stony 
Creek, Dinwiddie County, in 1864, with many valued friends, 
served also in this noted Company. — Ed.] 

Commander, Comrades, Friends : 

This raid has been written up so often, that I am reduced to a 
small margin from which to draw. Perhaps no incidental narrative 
of the war between the States created so great a stir as the Dahl- 
gren Raid. 

On the 4th of February, 1906, Reverend John Pollard, D. D. , 
spoke in deserved praise of Lieutenant James Pollard, our officer and 
friend, which gave me great pleasure; not only on this occasion, 
but all others, when he led us into battle, proved himself a perfect 
Paladin of courage and ability. 

The spring of 1864 was a time of terror and a season of agony to 
the 30,000 unfortunate men, women and children who were forced 
to remain in the Confederate capital awaiting the issue of the great- 
est civil conflict ever known in the history of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

The battle of Gettysburg had been fought, and Lee had been 

180 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

forced back into Virginia with a depleted army and a discouraged 
heart; the Confederate forces had recently been overpowered in 
Tennessee and defeated by sheer weight of numbers and excellence 
of the equipment of the enemy in many other parts of the South; 
immense Union armies, splendidly equipped and fully rationed, 
getting reinforcements daily, and preparing for aggressive war, 
occupied a large portion of Northern Virginia, and were slowly 
advancing southward, holding in covert the wasted, yet valiant 
Army of Northern Virginia. 

Richmond at this time was uneasy; even the most sanguine could 
see through a haze ol bitterness and almost of despair one certain 
end in sight — the ultimate downfall of the Confederacy. Yet brave 
ones kept their hearts with diligence, and soldiers with half rations 
and bloody, shoeless feet, paced nightly in their sentinel duties 
around the beloved city on the James, ready to give their lives at 
any moment for the protection of the dear ones who were in an 
agony of terror within the city's streets. 

It was known that exaggerated reports as to the condition of the 
prisoners of war held in Richmond, had gone abroad, and that 
public feeling throughout the North, bitter and hostile all the time, 
had been unduly excited under the pressure of a false and misstated 
condition of the Confederate prisons. It was known to the Con- 
federate government and the citizens of Richmond, that an expedi- 
tion might at any time be undertaken with the avowed purpose of 
liberating the Northern prisoners in Richmond and turning them 
loose in the streets of the city to an orgy and carnival of crime. 
Indeed, it had been known that in Januarv of 1864. an expedition 
had been sent out from Fortress Monroe to accomplish this purpose. 
Another had been sent from the Army of the Potomac, but both 
had, in some way, miscarried. Reports, some false, some only too 
true, concerning advancing lines of the enemy, were read in the 
Confederate newspapers every day Tales of wholesale destruction 
and military carnage were the usual reports of the newspapers. 
The Richmond people were expectant to hear the details any hour 
of some harrowing wholesale tragedy; and, fearful of the worst of 
all evils, the women and the helpless of the city waited complacent 
in their bitterness, knowing not what a day might bring forth. 

Late in February, it was learned that the Federal General Custer, 
with 1500 horse, had crossed the Ranidan on a feint to the west of 
the Confederate Army, while Kilpatrick, starting a day later, moved 

The Dahkjren Raid. 181 

down on its opposite flank, with the ostensible purpose of entering 
Richmond to liberate the prisoners there. For some time some of 
the more adventurous of the Northern officers had been petitioning 
for leave to undertake this perilous feat. Kilpatrick, a daring 
brigadier general of the cavalry, had been one who asked for such 
a privilege. He had, no doubt, been more or less incited to this 
by Ulric Dahlgren, a young Colonel, who was rising to considerable 
prominence in the Army of the Potomac. So Major- Gen era! 
Pleasanton, on the 26th of February, sent confidential orders to 
Kilpatrick, directing him to increase his command to 4000 picked 
men, to take with him Colonel Ulric Dahlgren and his regiment, 
and to proceed by such routes and to make such disposition as from 
time to time he might find necessary for the accomplishment of the 
object of the expedition. Thus was formed one of the most daring, 
and in some respects, one of the most hazardous, attempts to take 
the Confederate capital and to liberate the Northern prisoners of 
war — numbering eight to ten thousand. 

So on Sunday evening, February 28th, Kilpatrick left his camp 
at Stevensburg, near Culpeper Courthouse, in Northern Virginia, 
having 3,582 men, Colonel Ulric Dalgren, with 460 picked and 
excellently mounted cavalrymen, leading the advance. The presence 
of Dahlgren, with his regiment, must have lent inspiration to the 
daring undertaking, and must have added a kind of an adventurous 
charm to the entire spirit of this bold and questioning raid. For 
Dahlgren was no ordinary man. At this time he lacked but a 
month of being twenty-two years of age, but he was a seasoned 
veteran, and knew thoroughly the art of warfare. He was born 
near Philadelphia, April 3. 1842, the second son of Rear- Admiral 
John Adolph Dahlgren, the noted naval officer, author and scholar. 
He was educated in Washington, entered the war in 1861 as a 
captain, and had distinguished himself time after time for bravery 
in action. In 1862 he fought gallantly at Fredericksburg; and had 
made a desperate charge at Chancellorsville; at second Bull Run 
he had gained the admiration of all his fellow-officers, and had lost 
a leg in a desperate charge at Gettysburg. For his absolute fear- 
lessness and bravery he had been promoted over the intermediate 
grades to Colonel, the commission having been personally brought 
to his bedside by Secretary Stanton. Now, in the spring of 1864. 
having recovered from his loss of limb, he was again at the front. 

182 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

willing to sacrifice his life and the lives of his men to accomplish the 
purpose of his expedition. 

At ii o'clock on the evening of February 28th, Kilpatrick and 
Dahlgren reached Ely's Ford on the Rapidan River, and there 
captured two of our officers and fourteen men. At this point 
Kilpatrick divided his forces, sending Dahlgren with 500 men to 
hasten by one route to Richmond, while he took another. The 
plan was to send Dahlgren by way of Spotsylvania Courthouse to 
Frederick's Hall on the Virginia Central, now the Chesapeake and 
Ohio Railroad, and thence immediately south to a point above 
Goochland Courthouse on the James River; here he was to cross 
the river, move down the opposite bank, about twenty miles, and, 
if possible, seize the main bridge that led to the city at 10 o'clock 
on Tuesday morning, March 1st. Kilpatrick himself was to proceed 
with about 3000 men by way of Spotsylvania Courthouse, thence 
southeastward to Richmond, the defences of which he was to attack 
west and northwest of the Brook turnpike on Tuesday morning, 
while Dahlgren attacked it from the south. 

This undertaking on the part of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren is one 
of the most interesting events of the Civil War, and it has never 
been adequately treated by either Southern or Northern historians. 
It is the purpose of the writer to record not a full history in connec- 
tion with the Dahlgren raid, but only a few facts which came under 
his immediate observation, and with which he was more or less 
intimately associated. 

At the time of the Dahlgren raid the writer of this article was 
a member of Company H, 9th Virginia Cavalry, a company of 
seasoned veterans — men who had passed through battles until they 
gloried in the smell of smoke. Nearly every man in the company- 
was a crack shot, and some were expert marksmen. Lieutenant 
Pollard, who at this time had charge of the company, was one of 
the bravest and truest of men. As a soldier, I think he was unex- 
celled. He was a man who could be relied upon to do the right 
thing at the right time — a Virginia gentleman of gravity and oi 

Early in December, 1863, our Division, under Fitz Lee, in ordt-r 
to be more accessible to supplies, camped near Charlottesville 
Information reached General Stuart that General Averill, with a 
large force, had started on a raid in Northwestern Virginia. Stuart 
ordered Fitz Lee to break camp at once and proceed against him. 

The Daldgren Raid. 


Accordingly, on the ioth of December, 1863, we left Charlottesville 
and started in pursuit of Averill. Lee's command, of which my 
regiment constituted a part, was occupied in this expedition for at 
least a month, and when we returned to Charlottesville on or about 
January ioth, 1864, the men were so used up and the horses so 
entirely broken down that it was thought best by our General that 
furloughs be issued and the men with their horses be temporarily 
dispersed to various localities to recuperate. A number of men 
belonging to my company were from King William County, and 
hither Lieutenant Pollard, accompanied by some twenty men, the 
writer being among the number, proceeded. Thus it happened 
that this little band of sharpshooters were in a position to take part 
in the subsequent attack on the Dahlgren raiders. 

Colonel Beale, of the 9th Virginia, had fixed his headquarters in 
Essex County, about 60 miles northeast of Richmond, and Com- 
pany H had been ordered to establish a line of pickets across King- 
William County, from the Mattapony to the Pamunkey River. 
This had been carefully, )^et expeditiously done, and our company 
late in February was quartered in King William County Courthouse, 
about thirty-five miles northeast of Richmond. 

The life of a soldier is a life of anxiety and of uncertainty. One 
must be prepared for any surprise at any time. But there are some 
surprises which astonish even a soldier. Such a surprise was in 
store for our company, when, on the 2nd day of March, it was 
announced to us that the enemy were attacking the city of Rich- 
mond. Of course we did not know what it all meant then, but we 
afterwards learned all the many events of the daring Dahlgren raid, 
some of those in the incipiency of which I have given above. 

It seemed that the original plans of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren had 
miscarried. Dahlgren had proceeded from Ely's Ford as he had 
been ordered, to Spotsylvania Courthouse, which he had reached 
at early dawn on the 29th of February; he had marched thence to 
Frederick's Hall, in Louisa County, where he surprised and captured 
some artillerymen, had crossed the South Anna River and made a 
hurried march directly toward James River, which he hoped to 
cross about twenty miles west of Richmond. Before reaching the 
river, he had engaged a negro guide to direct him to a place where 
the river could be forded or swum by horses. The negro guide 
conducted Dahleren to the river, but it was found that there was 

184 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

no possibility of crossing it, as it was muddy and swollen beyond 
its inner banks. 

It is said Colonel Dahlgren became so inflamed at what he 
believed to be the negro's treachery, that he took a rein from his 
own bridle and had his men hang the negro to a tree on the river 
bank. A few hours later, Captain Mitchell, of the 2nd New York 
Regiment, who with his company had been separated from Dahlgren 
in order that he might destroy the mills and ferry boats on the north 
bank of the river, found the negro hanging to the tree, and incor- 
porated the incident in the report of his movements, which he after- 
wards submitted to his superior officers. 

This unfortunate ne^ro was named Martin Robinson. For a 
considerable time prior to his murder by Dahlgren, he had been a 
freedman. He was a bricklayer by profession, and was employed 
by ciiizens in doing work of that character. Robinson formerly 
belonged to the late Mr. David Mimms, who lived about the Court- 
house some twelve miles or more from Contention, where the ford 
crossed James River. This ford was impassable in freshets, such 
as was prevailing at the time. In ordinary conditions, low stages 
of water, etc., was easily fordable, and was the route taken by Mr. 
Samuel A. Guy, and other gentlemen in going across from Conten- 
tion, in Goochland, to Centre Hill, in Powhatan County. The 
writer, prior to the war, lived for a number of years in this vicinity, 
and is familiar with the above mentioned facts. 

It has always seemed to the writer that Richmond was saved 
from destruction at the hands of Dahlgren' s men by the freshet in 
James River at that time. If Dahlgren could have crossed the 
river, as he might have done had the water been lower, he would. 
no doubt, have been able to enter the city through Manchester, 
while Kilpatrick was storming the trenches in the city's guards on 
the north. His first act would have been to set the prisoners on 
Belle Isle at liberty, and then, no doubt, there would have occurred 
the greatest carnival of rapine, murder and crime ever known in 
the history of civilization. Men who had long been in imprison- 
ment, with a plenty of liquor, which they would have been able to 
obtain, and with no officers, would be about as irrepressible as wild 
beasts of the field. We can hardly estimate, even at this late day, 
the providential blessing to '.he women of Richmond of the flood 
that prevented Dahlgren from crossing James River from Goochland 
into Powhatan on the ist day of March, 1864. 

The Dahlgren Raid. 185 

But Dahlgren, though thwarted in his purposes, did not turn 
back, as he might have done, but continued on his way to Richmond. 
When within five or six miles of the city, he heard the booming of 
Kilpatrick's signal guns, which were stationed on the northern 
suburbs, near Yellow Tavern, and on each side of the Brook turn- 
pike, not far from what is now the splendid plant of the Union 
Theological Seminary- 

Dahlgren led his men on to the forks of the Cary Street road, 
where he attacked a body of men commanded by Captain Ellery, 
of the Tredegar Battalion, and lost about 14 men — and Captain 
Ellery was killed. The inner defences proved too strong, and he 
retired in the darkness, becoming separated from the larger body 
of his men, who were commanded by Captain Mitchell, of the 2nd 
New York. With about 100 or 125 men, he proceeded northeast- 
ward, barely missing Kilpatrick, who intended to escape, if possible, 
from the snare in which he so suddenly found himself. His intention 
was to go northeastward, cross the Pamunkey and the Mattapony, 
and pass thence southeastward along the peninsula to Gloucester 
Point, whence he could escape in Federal gunboats. 

It was on the morning of the 2nd of March that our company got 
information that the enemy were crossing the Pamunkey at 
Aylett's, about six miles below Hanover Courthouse. Kilpatrick 
had retired from his attack and had passed down the peninsula to 
White House. Our baggage wagons were sent to a safe place, our 
boats were carefully concealed, and we hurried in pursuit of the 
raiders; whose numbers we vaguely knew. We soon got upon 
their trail, and followed them up. We found they had murderously 
shot two lads, one a young son of Dr. Fleet, and the other, young 
William Taliaferro, and this act of barbarity incited us the more 
determinedly to follow them and fight to death. 

We awaited the enemy at Dunkirk while they crossed the river, 
swimming their horses and proceeding themselves in small boats. 
They thus got the start of us by perhaps half an hour, but we rode 
rapidly forward and overtook them at Bruington lane, in King and 
Queen County. The fight which we had there will ever remain 
vividly in the memory of the writer of these reminiscences. War 
is a terrible thing, looking at it in any of its aspects ; but hand to 
hand and horse to horse fighting, where enemies are singled out and 
>hot or thrust through with the bayonet or the sabre, is still more 
awful. • Everyman's life then is iif his own hands and the protection 

186 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of Providence. One must be wary, one must be strenuous, or he 
will untimely perish. But predominantly one must have a loftier 
care than personal preservation at such a time ; he must have the 
cause of his home and his loved ones and his country animating 
his heart, and he must be willing to sacrifice his heart's blood to 
protect all that makes life worth living for him from the desecra- 
tions and despoliations of a ruthless foe. There was a feeling of 
wild patriotism in our little company of cavalry that morning when 
we rode against Dahlgren and his men. 

When we came in sight of the enemy Captain Pollard, one of the 
bravest and worthiest soldiers who ever bestrode a horse, ordered 
two of the sharpshooters down. The enemy halted, got upon the 
defensive, and forced our company to a stand. Firing began in a 
desultory way, and continued in a rain of bullets on both sides. 
The writer had hurriedly dismounted, and he and First Sergeant 
Fleming Meredith were standing by Captain Pollard's horse when 
bullets began to sing around us as though we were singled out by 
marksmen. One of the rear guard of the enemy was killed. 
One of our company searched the man's pockets and found a fifty 
dollar bill there, which subsequently proved to be a two dollar bill 
with the number "50" pasted over the figure two. A heavy silver 
fork marked "J. W. A." was also found in his pockets and a pistol 
and silver watch. 

We followed up the enemy, pursuing them closely, charging 
from rear to front, barely escaping being shot to death in an 
ambush set for the enemy by Captain Magruder, who had hurried 
to join us. His company of thirty men joined us, and Captain 
Pollard resorted to strategy, sending a bare half-dozen bold riders 
to pursue the fleeing enemy while the rest of the men set out along 
another road to intercept the flying enemy. We hurried along the 
road to Stevensville, a small village not many miles distant from 
King and Queen C. H. At dark we were awaiting the enemy with 
carbines sprung. Two men were sent out to reconnoitre, and thev 
returned, reporting that the enemy had gone into camp a mile or 
two away from us. It was night, but we lost not a moment to get 
into ambush. They were attempting to find a way of escape. It 
was half past eleven o'clock at night. Upon the noise made by 
some of our men in ambush we heard a demand of "Surrender, 
or I will shoot," in a loud voice. At the same time he who 
called out attempted to fire his revolver at us, but it failed to fire. 

The Dahlgren Raid. 187 

This action drew a terrific fire upon himself. He fell from his 
horse dead, pierced by five balls. The man proved to be Ulric 

The enemy stampeded, and the next morning at daybreak Ser- 
geant Meredith was ordered by Captain Cox, who had joined us, 
to find out where the enemy were. He went forward with an 
attendant and found the enemy in a field dismounted and in 

We captured there about 107 or 108 men, and some officers, 
with about 40 negroes additional, who had joined them. We also 
captured somewhat more than 100 horses. 

That night William Littlepage, a boy thirteen years of age, who 
had followed us from Stevensville with his teacher, Mr. Hallaback, 
took from the body of Colonel Dahlgren the books and papers 
which contained his address and orders which excited such intense 
indignation among the Confederate people. The papers were 
given by Mr. Hallaback to Captain Pollard, and they passed 
through him and Col. Beale to the War Office in Richmond. 
The day following General Fitzhugh Lee gave orders to Captain 
Pollard to disinter the body of Dahlgren, which had been buried, 
and bring it to Richmond "for the purpose of identification." 
The body was taken to Richmond on the 6th of March by Lieut. 
Pollard's Company, was buried in Oakwood Cemetery, and was 
afterwards taken up and carried to Miss E. H. Van Lew's house on 
Church Hill. From her house the body of Colonel Dahlgren was 
first carried to Chelsea Hill, where it remained several days, after 
which the original resurrectionists (two white men — one of them 
being the late erratic Martin Meredith Lipscomb, whose proclaimed 
motto was "to strike high even if you lose your hatchet" — and a 
negro), placed the body on a wagon covered with young fruit trees 
and carried it through the picket lines and buried it near Hungary 
Station, R. F. & P. R. R. After the war it was taken up, carried 
North and again interred with kindred and friends. 

The papers which were found upon Colonel 'Dahlgren' s person 
were the subject of immediate controversy. Throughout the North 
there were those who claimed that they were forgeries. This was 
due to the fact that there were orders included therein which were 
so barbarous as to have no place in modern warfare. 

188 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Colonel Dahlgren's leading address to the officers and men of his 
command was written on a sheet of paper, having in printed letters 
on the upper corner " Headquarters Third Cavalry Corps, LS64." 
This address was patriotic and reverent in some parts, but contained 
a sentence which was particularly offensive to the Southern people. 
v We hope to release the prisoners from Belle Isle first, and having 
seen them fairly started, we will cross the James River into Rich- 
mond, destroying the bridges after us, and exhorting the released 
prisoners to destroy and burn the hateful city; and do not allow 
the rebel leader, Davis, nor his traitorous crew, to escape." 

Another striking sentence in this address was this: " Many of 
you may fall, but if there is any man here not willing to sacrifice 
his life in such a great and glorious undertaking, or who does not 
feel capable of meeting the enemy in such a desperate fight as will 
iollow, let him step out and go to the arms of his sweetheart and 
read of the braves who swept through the city of Richmond. " 

Other special orders were written on detached slips. These 
related mainly to the details of the approach toward the city and 
the entrance into Richmond over the bridge across James River. 

These papers caused a storm of protest throughout the South. 
The Richmond newspapers argued therefrom that every captured 
man of Dahlgren's regiment should be executed, but this was 
not done. [There was, at one time, as announced in the Southern 
Historical Society Papers, photographic copies of the orders in the 
archives of the Southern Historical Society, but they have never 
been found, though diligently sought for by the present Secretary.] 

The Richmond Daily Examiner for March 7th, 1864, contained 
a striking article on Dahlgren's raid. They got the information 
for the article largely from Captain Dement, of our forces, who had 
been captured by Dahlgren in Goochland County, and forced by 
him to accompany him throughout his raid and act as his guide. 
It was to Captain Dement that the straggling members of Dahlgren's 
command surrendered on the morning after their leader had been 
shot. This officer afterwards came into Richmond and gave an 
accurate account of the entire raid. Captain Dement and Mr. 
Mountcastle (who was also a captive of Dahlgren's) gave a full 
description of Dahlgren's personality to the Richmond people. 
Judge Henry E. Blair, a nestor of the law, was another of Dahlgren'> 

The Dahlgren Baid. 189 

captives. The Daily Examiner had the following - paragraph upon 
the subject: "Both Captain Dement and Mr. Mountcastle described 
Dahlgren as a most agreeable and charming villain. He was very 
agreeable to his prisoners, shared his food with Captain Dement, 
and on several occasions, invited him to a nip of whiskey with him, 
He was a fair haired, very young-looking man, and his manners 
were as soft as a cat's." 

In 1872, Admiral J. A. Dahlgren, father of Ulric Dahlgren, wrote 
a comprehensive memoir of his son's life and career. In this 
memoir the following paragraph occurs: "The document alleged 
to have been found upon the person of Colonel Dahlgren, is utterly 
discredited by the fact that the signature attached it is not his 
name — a letter is misplaced, and the real name 'Dalhgren' ; hence it is 
undeniable that the paper is not only spurious, but a forgery. * * * 
It is entirely certain that no such orders were ever issued by Colonel 
Dahlgren." Memoir of Ulric Dahlgren, pp. 233-234. 

Captain Martin E. Hogan, of Company C, 3rd Iowa Cavalry, on 
detached service at General Meade's Headquarters, was with Colonel 
Dahlgren. He stated that he knew nothing of the papers found on 
the dead body of Colonel Dahlgren. This statement was made on 
the King William side of the Mattaponi River at Walkerton ferry, 
while the prisoners were being conveyed to Tunstall's Station, on 
York River Railroad, on to Richmond to be imprisoned. 

Among the captured spoils taken from the enemy was much 
silverware, comprising coffee and tea pots, sugar dishes, salvers, 
spoons and forks and other pieces, which by General Lee's orders 
were returned to the rightful owners. 

But a blessed era of peace has succeeded the period of trial and 
and suffering. The future is bright for our happily re-united 
States. Memories of our gigantic struggle should only tend to 
make us more liberal, more gentle, more considerate of the feelings 
of those who fought against us, and be the better enabled to meet 
the social and economic battles that confront us now in the twen- 
tieth century. 

Overwhelmed by hireling cohorts drawn from the world at large, 
the starving Army of Northern Virginia, its last able man in the 
field— having almost literally "robbed the cradle and the grave" — 

190 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

with its recruits of boys of tender years and feeble old men, laid 
down its arms at Appomatox Courthouse, April 9th, 1865. 

Crushed to the earth, the righteousness of the cause for which 
they fought so grandly, remains undimmed, their achievements 
increasingly command the admiration of the world. Their fate 
invests only with incense their heroism and sublime sacrifices. 
May the blood of these martyrs be as that of those of the Cross 
who died at the stake for conscience sake, and may it be as the 
seed of life and noble endeavor, with just patriotic fruitage, to my 
comrades of this Camp. 

The Women of the Confederacy, 


From the New Orleans, La., Picayune, December 24th, 1906. 


What they saw and Suffered During the Civil War — Mrs. 

John Randolph Eggleston Recalls 

Memories of the Past. 

The Unpretending Heroism of the Mothers of the South— In Three 
Besieged Cities— A Soldier's Strange Funeral- 
Little Dramas of the War Time. 

Mrs. John Randolph Eggleston, of Mississippi, made an address 
before the General Convention of the United Daughters of the 
Confederacy, at Gulfport, which was so flatteringly referred to by 
the delegates from New Orleans, that I have begged her permission 
to have it published. Her husband, Captain Eggleston, was an 
officer in the old Navy, and, like most Southerners, resigned his 
commission, and entered the Confederate service. Captain and 
Mrs, Eggleston had their home in New Orleans before the com- 
mencement of the war. Without intending to do so, Mrs. Eggleston 
has paid the highest and best-deserved tribute to our Southern 
women I have ever read. I hand you the address herewith. 

James Dinkins. 


Daughters of the Confederacy : 

In the name of the Mothers of the Confederacy, of the Mississippi 
Division, I greet and welcome you, and thank you for your presence 
in our midst. 

It makes me happy to see so many of you here, and the fact that 
you belong to this organization, proves that you are proud of the 
noble heritage bequeathed to you by your fathers, and by your 
mothers as well; for the women of the Confederacy, though secure 
from the dangers of the battlefield, bore their part no less heroically 
than did the men. 

The men gave, or offered to give, their lives; the women gave 
what was dearer to them than life — they gave the men they loved ; 

192 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

I will recall one or two instances to show the spirit of those women: 
I had a friend, a widow, who had only two sons; both enlisted for 
the war. The first was killed at Fredericksburg; the other was 
killed by the same volley that laid low our immortal Jackson, and 
this heroic boy, with his life-blood ebbing fast, had only breath to 
gasp, "Is the General hurt?" 

When I was weeping with that poor mother, comfort I could not 
give, she said: " Both of my boys are gone, but if I had to do all 
this over again, I would not act differently." 

I knew a boy who belonged to the company that was organized 
In the village where lam now living. When he had been in Virginia 
more than two years, and had been in many battles, his mother 
wrote to President Davis, and in her letter used these words: 

'■ I notice that General Lee has gone into winter quarters, and 
there will be no fighting for several weeks. So, if my boy has done 
his duty, I respectfully beg that he be granted a furlough to come 
home to see me, for I greatly long to see him." 

Mark the simplicity and sublimity of that mother's words: "If mv 
boy has done his duty." 

Bishop Polk gives an instance of sublime devotion of a Tennessee 
mother, who gave five sons to the Confederacy. When the first 
one was killed, and the Bishop was trying to say some words of 
comfort, she said: " My son Billy will be old enough next spring 
to take his brother's place " 

The only idea of duty that this heroic mother had was to give 
her boys to the cause she loved as soon as they were old enough to 
bear a musket. 

Such was the spirit of your mothers and your grandmothers. 

I will tell you of two funerals I attended — one in i86r, the other 
in 1865. In the early summer of 1861 I witnessed the funeral of 
the gallant Colonel Charley Dreaux, who was killed in Virginia in 
a skirmish before any of the great battles had been fought. Colonel 
Dreaux was the first Louisianian who sealed his devotion to the 
cause with his blood, and one of the verv first from any State. 

When he was borne to his last resting place, he was followed bv 
a vast concourse of people with drooping flags, muffled drums, the 
tolling of all the church bells and the bands playing the dead march. 
It was a funeral that befitted a hero who had died for his country . 

Very different was it later on. In the spring of 1S65, I was in 

The Women of the Confederacy. 198 

Mobile. The enemy were pressing the siege at Spanish Fort, 
across the Bay the booming of cannon being heard above all the 
noise of the city. 

I was attending service at Trinity Church, Mobile, for while the 
men were fighting we women were praying. As the services were 
proceeding, the roar of cannon being heard above the voice of the 
aged clergvman, we heard the muffled tread of men coming down 
the aisle, when, looking up, I saw four soldiers, in their worn and 
faded gray, bearing on their shoulders a rude pine coffin, which 
contained the remains of a comrade who had fallen that day at 
Spanish Fort. Slowly and sadly they placed the coffin before the 
chancel, they remaining standing reverently without a word. The 
clergyman began with the burial service. None of us knew for 
whom those prayers were said, but we knew that he was the father 
or husband, or son, or brother, or lover of some Southern woman. 

We had no tribute to pay but tears. The services over the burial 
squad bore their precious burden from the church. They were 
passing by the church and swung the door open and services going 
on, they went in to have the last sad rites over their fallen comrade. 

Some of us were slow to leave the church, for we knew it would 
be to return to lonely apartments. When I reached the door I saw 
one woman standing there — probably she saw in my face the same 
intense anxiety which I had seen in hers, for she said : "Oh, listen 
to those guns. All that I have in this world, my only boy, is 
there," and I said: "And my husband is there, too." 

It was my lot during those four years to hear the guns of three 
besieged cities — Vicksburg, Richmond and Mobile. I saw many 
partings on the eve of battle, but seldom did I see women weep 
when those farewells were taken — we parted with a smile upon our 
lips, but when night came our pillows would be wet with tears. 

I have told you some things that I saw. I will tell you some 
things which I did not see. I saw no mother trying to keep her 
boys from going into battle. I saw no wife trying to persuade her 
husband not to go to the front. And I saw no woman who cried 
surrender. If you ask me to explain this, my answer is because we 
knew we were right, our cause was just, and now, once more, wel- 
come, dear Daughters. 

194 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, November nth, 1906. 


In some Respects one of the most Remarkable of the War. 


Story told by one who was Desperately Wounded in the Fight. 

Editor of the Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — I send you herewith a picturesque and interesting account 
of Godwin's Brigade, Ramseur's Division, Second Corps, at the 
battle of Cedar Creek, October 19, 1864. It is a soldier's tale, 
relating events as he saw them. It is by Captain Clarence R. Hatton, 
adjutant-general of the brigade, who received a wound in the neck 
as his brigade was charging, which would, in all likelihood, have 
killed anybody but a hardy soldier, such as he was. 

General John B. Gordon, in his reminiscenses, which often 
erroneously refer to General Early, justly reminds his readers that 
General Jackson was never in any one of his great battles so much 
outnumbered as was General Early at Winchester and Fisher's Hill. 
He states that Early in neither of these battles had more than ten 
thousand men, including all arms of the service, while official reports 
show that General Sheridan brought against him over thirty thousand 
well equipped troops. General Gordon holds his figures somewhat 
when he states in a note that Early's army was scarce twelve 
thousand strong at Cedar Creek. But at this battle of Cedar Creek 
Early had a reinforcement of Kershaw's Division, which is supposed 
to have contained some two thousand men. Gradually truth comes 
to light, and it will tell a story of the heroism of '64, such as will 
command the respect of all and uplift the hearts of heroes in days 
to come. 

Captain Hatton is now in New York, engaged in business, but 
we are gratified that he has found time to contribute to the memory 
of his comrades in arms the attractive account he has written. 

General A. C. Godwin, his. chief, was a Virginian by birth. 
A tall, lithe, auburn-haired man, who was a born soldier. He had 

Ihe Great Battle at Cedar Creek. 195 

been in California for years, and left amongst his friends there a 
name well honored and remembered. The gallant tarheels who 
followed him on many fields until he was killed at Winchester, 
September 19th, were worthy of him and he of them. 

Jno. W. Daniel. 

In an account of the battle of Cedar Creek, I would suggest that, 
in order to appreciate it properly, we should first consider the 
attendant and preceding circumstances leading up to it, and, there- 
fore, I will go back to some days before, when Early's army was 
encamped up the Valley. I cannot, at this date, say just how many 
days it was, but not very many. It was the last of the few days 
that fall that he allowed us to rest in camp all day (wash-day, the 
boys called it) without a move — not on the go, as usual. 

On the day before the battle, early in the morning, I, as adjutant- 
general of Archie C. Godwin's Brigade (Ramseur's Division) 
received orders to have a muster, get up reports of the regiment 
and make up our brigade report of the forces present for service, 
tabulate it, and take it to corps headquarters. This I did, and rode 
over to corps headquarters, which was in a large white house, with 
large grounds around it and a grape arbor on the right side of it. 
Arriving there about noon, hitching my horse and going in, I was 
directed to a room on the right, where I found General Jubal Earlv 
and Colonel Hy. Kyd Douglas, the corps adjutant-general. 


General Early took my report, glanced at the totals, and, handing 
it to Colonel Douglas, ordered him to have them all consolidated 
into a corps report, and Colonel Douglas ordered me and another 
young staff officer named Russell (J. B., I think) to proceed to 
consolidate them into division, and then into a general corps 
report, and tabulate it, which we did; and I remember distinctly 
my great surprise that the aggregate of Early's forces was only 
seven thousand, two or three hundred (7,200-7,300) infantry. The 
remarks were passed on what great odds we would have against us 
in Sheridan's 35,000 or 40,000 finely equipped, well-fed men, with 
repeating (or breach-loading) rifles — 5 to 1 against us — to say 
nothing of their superior equipment of supplies, longer range 
cannon, etc. 

I mention this to give my recollection of the number of Early's 

196 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

force and an idea of what we had to oppose to the Sheridan host, 
which consisted of three corps of infantry (Sixth, Eighth and* 
Nineteenth) and one of cavalry, with a numerous and well-equipped 


Now, as to the battle. I have always thought and contended 
that the manoeuvres made by Early on October 1 8th (the day before) 
should be considered a part of the battle of Cedar Creek — that our 
movement out of our camp around against their extreme right 
flank, on the Back of Little Mountain — going there by the more 
open roads, when their outpost could see us now and then — making- 
the demonstration of force, and then withdrawing by the more 
curved roads, and through the woods back to our camp, was purely 
a feint, or maneuvre, made solely to deceive them into the belief 
that we were going to turn or attack their right flank, whilst in 
reality Early's actual purpose was to make a surprise attack against 
their left and rear, as was actually made that night, and that it did 
actually deceive them, as intended results show. And I think that 
when all this, and their overwhelming numbers, etc., is considered, 
in conjunction with our subsequent movements and attack that 
night and next morning, it constituted one of the most brilliant 
strategical movements of the whole war — -probably only surpassed 
by some of Stonewall Jackson's — as at Chancellorsville — [see ante, 
the first article in this volume] and, in fact, this battle, taken as a 
whole, I have never been able to find a counterpart anywhere in 


Soon after getting back to camp (from our feint) orders came to 
feed up and be prepared to move — then a little after dark, orders 
to get into light marching order — to leave canteens and everything 
calculated to make any noise in marching — ammunition up — or fill 
cartridge boxes — fall in — move. 

Then we knew we were in for some heavy fighting, and our boys 
were eager to get it too — for they wanted a chance to get back at 
them for Berryville Pike (September 19th), where they pushed us 
hard to hold the Pike. 

There near Winchester they had killed our much beloved General 
Archie Godwin, and it came near being worse for us than at Cedar 
Creek. It would, too, but for Godwin's Brigade, which held them 

The Great Battle at Cedar Creek. 197 

back against vast odds on the Berryville Pike, and kept them from 
getting into Winchester, in the rear of our army and trains, and 
thereby cutting off the rest of the army, which extended away over 
to beyond the Martinsville Pike, where Rodes was killed. It was 
right in the Berrville Pike, while praising his men for having 
just repulsed a heavy assault, thereby saving our right flank, which 
we covered, from being turned and the army cut off, that our dear 
General Archie C. Godwin was killed (and who, by the way, never 
got the credit which was justly his due). 


It was soon after dark, on the 18th October, 1864, that we moved 
out of camp, up the hill, from the little valley to the left of Fisher's 
Hill, where our camp had been located, over the Valley Pike, and 
across the river and along the foothills of the mountains or side of 
it. At times the mountain appeared to be right over the river. 
Slowly, silently, and stealthily we moved, sometimes in a bridle- 
path, sometimes in no path at all. Through the woods the hillside 
was so steep or slanting I got off my horse and walked for safety. 
Onward, mostly in single file, we moved, through the darkness of 
night and woods, until nearly daybreak the head of the column was 
halted and men closed up. We were then near the Bowman's lower 
ford, where we crossed the Shenandoah the second time. 

As soon as we had our men up and formed, whilst it was yet in 
the gray dawn before daylight, and a mist hanging over, so we 
could not see fifty feet, we were ordered forward, and charged 
across the Shenandoah River, preceded (so far as I could see and 
understand at the time, and I was right at the head of the column) 
by only a few cavalry as an advance outpost guard. I see General 
John B. Gordon, in his " Reminiscenses," says his own division 
preceded Ramseur's Division. Godwin's Brigade was leading 
Ramseur's; it may be another division was ahead, but if so, I did 
not see them, and I am sure I did not hear any firing until we 
struck the enemy, except a few scattering shots of cavalry picket 
firing, as we took it to be. 


Soon, while the mist still hung over us, we struck the enemy on 
their left flank, overlapping them to their rear and to the rear of 
their breastworks. The first two or three columns or bodies we 

198 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

struck did not have a chance to, or anyway they did not, form any 
regular line against us, but with a few shots fled to the rear, we 
pursuing toward the 'Pike and obliquely toward Middletown, as we 
were still holding the right of the advance. Every now and then 
we struck some fresh troops. Each succeeding body, having more 
time to make formation, gave us harder fighting, but none stood 
against our charges, but broke and fled. In fact, it was the most 
complete rout I ever saw. Finally, we had crossed the pike, and 
still advancing, we saw quite a large body rallying on the brow of 
an elevation in the edge of a woods, with a stone fence in their front 
on edge of a woods between us; the land sloped down gradually 
from our position to a low boggy space, through which a small 
stream (called Marsh Run, I think) ran about forty or fifty feet 
from and nearly parallel to their position, and from which was a 
more sharp or steep rise to their position. 

This position, we were ordered to charge and capture. Straight- 
ening our line as we moved forward, swinging a little to the right, 
so as to get our left upon an even line with our right, and about the 
same distance from the enemy, our men moved as on parade — I 
never saw them in better line. I was on the right of the brigade 
(in fact, on the right of the army) and in front of our lines. I could 
see the whole movement as I glanced down the line, viewing it with 
pride born of the remembrance of the glorious work already done 
that day (and as many days before) and the conviction that the 
enemy could not stand against our charge, and another glorious 
victory won. 


Onward we charge, the shell is screaming and bursting, and the 
rifle balls whistling and spattering through and around us — that 
yell, that glorious old "Rebel Yell" ringing in my ears. With 
that eager, fiery, exulting feeling, which only just such a situation 
can produce — almost over the low-land, within about 40 feet of the 
enemy — our lines went forward. The enemy's lines appeared to 
waver and success was almost in hand, when a minie ball struck me 
square in front in my lower neck in that little V in the breastbone 
and passed back into the muscles in front of the backbone, where 
it has lodged to this day. 

As our column came up and passed me, some of our men caught 
me as I was falling off of my horse, and straighteing me out on the 

The Great Battle at Cedar Creek. 199 

ground, supposedly to die. The men, charging- on, gallantly drove 
the enemy from their position, routed, and I was afterwards told 
that this was the last charge made by our forces, supposing them 
too badly routed to make another stand. 

That ball, of course, ended my personal participation in that 
battle, and I knew nothing personally of Sheridan's rally and after- 
noon attack, except in the finale. 

I was picked up on a stretcher, taken to the field hospital, where 
I was laid on the ground, and a knapsack under my head, until the 
surgeons came to me. Dr. Sutton, Dr. Morton, and two or three 
more. They looked at the wound, ran their fingers into it, and, 
as they afterwards told me, felt the ball lodged in the muscles in 
front of the backbone, and seeing that the ball had abraided the 
main artery of the neck, from which I was bleeding like a hog, they 
concluded it would surely kill me to cut for the ball, and believing 
I would die anyway, just bound me up. 


The surgeons then sent me in an ambulance just starting with 
Colonel Davis, of our brigade. His arm had been shot off, and we 
were carried to the house of the Mayor of Strasburg, where he was 
taken in. As the drivers and helpers came out of the house some 
of our cavalry came dashing in. shouting: "We are flanked! 
Get out! Get out!" Jumping in, they drove furiously on, and 
when they came to a bridge over a ditch which crossed the road 
about midway to Fisher's Hill, in attempting to cross it they turned 
the ambulance over with me in it. In a few minutes bullets came 
plugging through the ambulance from the Yanks up on the hillside. 
Though I had been given strict injunction not to move hand or foot, 
for fear of breaking open the artery, I crawled out and into an 
ordnance wagon which a jam had temporarily stopped, although 
the driver threatened to brain me with his whip. So finally I 
reached Fisher's Hill, where I recognized the voice of our surgeons, 
and crawling out, was fortunate to catch one of the ambulances 
about to start with wounded for the rear, and so at last, to Rich- 
mond, etc., etc., etc. 

Clarence R. Hatton. 
17 Park Row, New York, 1906. 

200 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times- Dispatch, December 9th, 1906. 


How Jackson Eluded Freemont and Won Three Fights 
in Four Days. 

Scouting in the Darkness — Famous Valley Campaign of 
1862— Well-Laid Plans That Worked Well. 

During the last week of May, 1862, my regiment, "the Second 
Virginia Cavalry," commanded by Colonel T. T. Munford (after- 
ward General Munford) was doing duty around Bolivar Heights, 
near Harper's Ferry. 

During the night of May 29th I was aroused by Colonel Munford 
who ordered me to take my company (Company B, the Wise 
Troop, of Lynchburg) and move down the pike to the neighbor- 
hood of Halltown, which is near the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 
to establish a picket. 

As I was entirely ignorant of the country, having come there in 
the night, the Colonel proceeded by the light of a Confederate 
candle to outline the route he wished me to take with pencil on a 
small piece of paper. He directed me to pass our infantry pickets, 
and not go into Halltown, but to be sure to stop before the town 
and establish a picket, and to await future orders. I aroused my 
men — they grumbled very much about being awaked so soon after 
going to rest, but they soon got saddled up and off. We started 
with positive instruction from Colonel Munford not to go into Hall- 
town. I suppose that place was looked on as being in the Yankees' 
lines, or too far from ours. 


On we rode in an entirely new country. None of us had ever 
been there before. We passed infantry in the road. Some were 
asleep by the side, while others were sitting around camp fires. 
Muskets were sometimes stacked, but not always, by a good deal. 
Then the artillery — the guns were in the road, the horses fastened 
to the fences; some of the men awake; others asleep, as the infantry; 
but there were no signs of anybody being on duty that I could see. 

Demonstration on Harper's Ferry. 201 

From the condition of the troops, I had no idea we were near the 
enemy. They were completely worn out, and most of them enjoy- 
ing a well-earned rest in sleep. 

After leaving these troops all behind us we continued our ride, 
expecting every few minutes to come upon our infantry picket, but 
none appeared. We passed some houses on the road, but not a 
single living soul did we see. We finally came to several houses 
together, stretched along the pike for a distance of two hundred 
yards. It was still dark, and everything seemed to be perfectly 
still in these houses, no lights, no chickens crowing. As it was 
getting on towards morning I concluded this village must be de- 
serted. This was the first impression we had that we must be near- 
ing the enemy's lines, having seen no pickets and nobody on duty, 
even in the bivouac, I could hardly conceive of our being so near 
as it turned out to be. 


As I with my men approached the last house in the pike in a 
group of houses, I saw a man dodge behind the back of the house. 
This was the first man we had seen since we left the sleeping soldiers 
in the pike. I hurried my horse through the open front gate and 
overhauled him before he could get away. It was still dark, and 
he evidently was not sure w r ho we were. I took him around to 
where my men were, and after his seeing them, I convinced him as 
to our identity, and he seemed willing to talk. In reply to my first 
question to him asking what village this was, to my great surprise 
he answered "Halltown," and there now, we had disobeyed the 
most positive order not to go into Halltown, and had ridden 
entirely through it. I expressed no surprise to him, nor did I have 
any idea of giving him a chance of getting away, although I believed 
him all right, and inquired what side he was with. As it turned 
out afterwards he was a rebel, in sympathy with us, but not in the 


I next asked him were there any Yankees about, he replied. 
"Oh, yes." "Where are they?" I asked. "A little way down 
the pike, where the railroad crosses." "Who are they, and how 
many ?" He said it was a cavalry picket at the railroad crossing, 
and their reserved forces were some distance in the rear of the 
picket in a stone house on the right-hand side of the pike. All 
this I found to be true afterwards. The position of things looked 

202 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

a little ugly, so I thought the best thing I could do was to send the 
man back to General Jackson, so I told the soldier who had charge 
of him to arouse the first troop he found and tell the officers com- 
manding that there was nothing between him and the enemy except 
a small company of cavalrymen, only about thirty men ! Then to 
go to Jackson's headquarters, wherever they were, and turn the 
man over to him arid ask for instructions for me. 

It was now getting towards daylight, and the man, before I sent 
him off a prisoner to Jackson, asked me to wait a few minutes, and 
he would show me the Yankee picket. I then sent the main body 
of my men back through the village, I and one man remained 
with the prisoner to watch for the Yankee pickets as it became day. 

enemy's picket and a captive. 

We had not long to wait, for very soon we saw a cavalryman in 
blue, mounted, watching intently in our direction. I then immedi- 
ately dispatched him with his guard to the rear or to wherever 
General Jackson was, I and one man remaining at the far end of 
the village next to the Federal picket. I watched him closely to 
see if he communicated with his reserves, as I was uneasy about the 
status of our forces. I made no demonstration as long as the 
Yankee made none. While we watched each other, a man came 
out of the woods to our left approaching us. He continued to 
come on. I rode towards him, and took him in. He claimed he 
was a deserter from the Yankees. He did not seem to know much, 
but I sent him back to General Jackson also. All this occupied 
some time, and it was now sunrise, and the man I sent with the first 
prisoner (Mr. John T. Smith, of Lynchburg), returned with orders 
from General Jackson for the officer in charge of the picket to report 
to him at once. 


I had never seen General Jackson, though we had come down 
the Valley with him. 

I at once turned my picket over to the next in command and 
hurried to my first sight of the general commanding, T. J. Jackson. 
I had not very far to go, as Jackson always kept well up to the 
front. I found the different commands all awake, having been 
aroused by my first courier sent back. John T. Smith, with the 
prisoner, had no difficulty in finding the general's headquarters 

Demonstration on Harper's Ferry. 208 

under a tree on top of a high hill. I rode up, saluted, and asked 
is this General Jackson. On receiving - an affirmative reply, I told 
him I was the officer in charge of the picket at Halltown; had 
received order from him to report at once. His first question was, 
"What is your rank?" (I had no marks on me, in fact, had no 
coat on).' My reply was: " ist Lieutenant, Company B, 2nd 
Virginia Cavalry." "How many men have you in picket with 
you?" "Thirty," I replied. "Are you acquainted with the 
country?" "Never was here until last night," was my reply. 
He expressed no surprise at there being no one on duty that night 
on picket before I came. After a moment or two he told me to go 
back to Halltown to take a man with me and make a reconnaissance 
to the left of the Federal picket, going through a farm road up a 
rather steep hill (this hill was out of view of the Federal picket at 
the railroad crossing), not to threaten the picket, but watch closely, 
and to return to him and report what I saw. 


I immediately returned to the picket post, took one man, and 
started on my scout. I passed to the left of Halltown, the Federal 
picket still in the same position, mounted, as we first saw him, at 
daylight, took the farm road up to near the tops of the hill. My 
man and myself dismounted, tied our horses in the woods, and crept 
very cautiously to the edge or summit of the hill, which was now 
an open field of wheat well grown. I knew we were on dangerous 
ground, and we were both careful to conceal ourselves as best we 
could in the wheat and bushes at the fence on the top of the hill. 

I was surprised to find I was so close to the Yanks on the 
heights. I could see the men in the fort, the sentinels on guard, 
the embrasure with guns pointing in our direction, and we were 
almost in rear of the Federal picket at the railroad. I was very 
uneasy about our situation, but I saw nothing to report until I got 
almost on them. I felt I must go on until I saw something, and I 
was soon entirely satisfied with what I saw. After noticing closely 
the ground in front, as well as the work, we crept back to our 
horses, rode down the hill, and passed in front of the Federal picket 
we first saw. He had not moved his position. 


I hurried to General Jackson to report, finding him at the same 

204 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

place. The infantry troops were called to attention, and forming- 
in column in the pike, the artillery all hitched up and the men at 
the guns ready to move at a moment's notice. I saw we were on 
the eve of something very important. I hastened on to General 
Jackson, and made my report of the situation, as I saw it. He 
listened very attentively. The first question he asked in regard to 
the farm road was, "Could you get artillery up it?" "Oh! yes," 
I answered, "easily." "Could you get it back," was the next 
question. "Certainly," I replied," "easy enough." "But if 
you were in a great hurry, could you do it so easily ? " Then I told 
him I did not know so well about that. He then asked me how 
many guns 1 saw in the fortifications. On my reply to him — fur I 
had counted them — he asked me how did I know they were real 
cannon or "shams." I told him I could not be sure of that, but they 
looked exactly like real ones. It struck me that he was examining 
me as much to see if I had really been where he sent me, so as to 
determine how far he could use me in the future, for General Jackson 
knew all that country thoroughly. After I was through with my 
report, almost immediately he said, "We will not go that way," 
meaning, of course, up the hill road. 

"drive in the federal picket." 

He then told me to go back to my picket, form my men in 
columns of fours and drive the Federal picket in. "I will support 
you." I returned immediately to Halltown, finding the troops all 
on the pike in the same direction. I moved my reserve up to where 
my one man was on duty facing the Federal picket, he joining us, 
and without more ado charged the picket. He fired his carbine 
and fled for his reserves, we followed him so closely that we did not 
give the reserves time to form, and scattered them in all directions 
in the woods, some leaving their horses and arms in and around 
the stone schoolhouse. We gathered up the arms and accoutre- 
ments, blankets, etc. I halted to consider what next. I had done 
what General Jackson ordered, driven the picket in on the reserve 
and also driven off and scattered the "reserve," breaking up the 
station, capturing horses and arms. 

I wanted to hear of our support, when I caught the welcome 
sound of tramp, tramp, tramp, which I knew was infantry, and soon 
old Stonewall, at the head of his old brigade, came up on quick 
time. I reported to the General what I had done, and showed the 

Demonstration on Harper's Ferry. 205 

result to him. His only reply was. "I wish you and your men to 
stay with me as couriers," and assigned me with four men to go 
with Colonel Baylor, commanding the Stonewall brigade, who was 
to make the advance on the works. 

We advanced through the woods to the top of the same ridge I 
had been on in the morning, but further to our right, and came in 
full view of the heights, threw our troops in line of battle, with 
skirmishers well out to the front, and reported to Stonewall (who 
was back hurrying up troops) that we were ready to advance. The 
order came, "Advance." Colonel Baylor gave the order, "Forward!" 
The skirmishers moved across the field, the line of battle following. 
The enemy were not yet seen, but we expected to meet them in the 
next field. Not a shot was fired. Just as our skirmishers got over 
the fence, and as we with line of battle got to the fence, here came 
a courier to Colonel Baylor from Jackson to halt. There we stood 
possibly fifteen or twenty minutes, when another courier came from 
Jackson ordering the line of battle to fall back to the ridge on which 
we had first formed, and the skirmishers to fall back over the fence. 
We remained during most of the day and built fires as if we were 
going into camp. That night the army was in full motion up the 

I did not get back to my regiment until I got to Strasburg. 
Jackson slipped by Fremont a Jew days later, fought the battles of 
Harrisonburg, Cross Keys and Port Republic inside of four days, 
winding up his memorable Valley campaign of 1862. This was the 
opening of that great campaign, and led to the movement to 

A. D. Warwick, 
Late 1st Lieut. 2d Va. Regiment. 

206 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, May 4, 1906. 


An Incident in Chancellorsville Campaign and What 
Grew Out of It. 

Operations of Cavalry — The Story of General Averett's 
Interview with a Confederate Prisoner Retold. 

No battle, probably, in which the Federal and Confederate armies 
were engaged reflected more lustre on Southern generalship and the 
valor of the Southern soldier than the bloody struggle of Chancel- 
lorsville. The events which took place on that historic field and at 
Salem Church, May 1-3, 1863, were of a nature so important and 
brilliant as to eclipse and obscure the co-operating movements and 
detached services performed at the time in connection with the two 
contending armies The operations of the cavalry having covered 
a wide extent of territory and issued in numerous skirmishes with- 
out any regular battle, have claimed but slight attention in com- 
parison with the desperate fighting and signal successes on the 
chief scenes of action. 

And yet, according to the well laid plan of the Federal comman- 
der, the cavalry of the Army of the Potomac were carefully prepared, 
cautiously despatched and confidently expected to add in no small 
measure to the success of that army. This force, comprising all 
the cavalry under General Hooker save one brigade, were in two 
bodies, one under General George Stoneman and the other under 
General W. W. Averell, and were designed to operate on two dis- 
tinct lines. The destination and objects of the movements were set 
forth in orders from General Hooker as early as April 13th. These 
orders are noteworthy, as showing not only the work assigned to 
the cavalry, but the spirit and manner in which it was to be done. 
"You will march," so the orders read, "on the 13th instant with 
all your available force except one brigade, for the purpose of turn- 
ing the enemy's position on his left, and of throwing your command 
between him and Richmond and isolating him from his supplies, 
checking his retreat, and inflicting on him every possible injury 

The Bottle of Greatest Lustre. 207 

which will tend to his discomfiture and defeat." * * "If the 
enemy should endeavor to retire by Culpeper and Gordonsville, 
you will endeavor to hold your force in his front and harass him 
day and night, unceasingly. If you cannot cut oft from his 
columns large slices the general desires that you will not fail to take 
small ones. Let your watchword be fight, and let all your orders 
be fight, fight, fight, bearing in mind that time is as valuable to the 
general as rebel carcasses. It is not in the power of the rebels to 
oppose you with more than 5,000 sabres and those badly mounted, 
and after they leave Culpeper without forage or rations. Keep 
them from Richmond and sooner or later they must fall in our 
hands. * * It devolves upon you, general, to take the initiative 
in the forward movement of this grand army, and on you and your 
noble command must depend in a great measure the extent and 
brilliancy of our success." The orders closed with this emphatic 
caution: "Bear in mind that celerity, audacity and resolution are 
everything in war, and especially it is the case with the command 
you have and the enterprise upon which you are about to embark." 

Such were the orders under which, two weeks or more later than 
was first proposed, Generals Stoneman and Averill crossed the 
Rappahannock from Fauquier into Culpeper county, and bivouacked 
near the above river. The passage was made un April 29th, and 
that evening, as General Stoneman states, the division and brigade 
commanders assembled together and "we spread our maps and had 
a thorough understanding of what we were to do and where we 
were to go. ' ' 

Early on the following morning Stoneman, with his command, 
set out for the Rapidan at Raccoon Ford and a ford below and pushed 
on without serious opposition to destroy the Central Railroad, the 
James River Canal and the Richmond and Fredericksburg road. 

Averill moved towards Brandy Station, Culpeper and Rapidan 
Station, for the purpose of masking Stoneman's movement, and 
cutting Lee's communications towards Gordonsville. His instruc- 
tions said: " In the vicinity of Culpeper you will be likely to come 
against Fitzhugh Lee's brigade of cavalry, consisting of about 
2,000 men, which it is expected that you will be able to disperse 
and destroy without delay to your advance. At Gordonsville the 
enemy have a small provost guard of infantry, which it is expected 
you will destroy, if it can be done without delaying your forward 

208 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

General Averill's command consisted of the two brigades of his 
division, Davis's brigade of Pleasanton's division and Tiddall's 
battery, numbering in all about 4,000 men, while opposed to him 
on the line from Brandy to Rappahannock Station was General 
W. H. F. Lee with two regiments (Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia 
Cavalry) with one gun. 

General Lee with his small force fell back before Averell' s 
advance, one squadron only being kept near the enemy to retard 
his progress, until the Rapidan was crossed, when he disposed his 
his men and one gun above the ford near the station, to give battle 
if the attempt was made to cross. The approach of the enemy was 
announced by the discharge of his cannon, as also by a feeble 
attempt to cross a ford a mile or two above the station. 

The day following, General Lee according to his own report, was 
engaged all day with one or two brigades of cavalry. One charge 
was made by Colonel Beale with one squadron to draw them out, 
took 30 prisoners, but could not bring them off; were pressed 
very hard. 

The charge thus sententiously started by General Lee was made 
for the purpose of developing the enemy's strength, and was made 
by a rapid trot to the river and dash through it, under the fire of 
the enemy's sharpshooters, who were forced back on their main 
line a half mile or more distant. Nothing but the temporary con- 
fusion and surprise caused by the suddenness of this dash permitted 
the squadron to wheel and retreat successfully. 

Two men of the 9th Regiment, M. U. F. and J. C. Wright, 
(brothers) borne too far by the impetuosity of their charge, or 
overtaken in retreating, were made prisoners, and the younger one 
was basely shot and severely wounded after his surrender. The 
elder of the two, M. U. F., was taken into the presence of General 
Averell, who questioned him closely as to the troops opposed to 
him, their number, etc. Wright replied to the inquiries that there 
was no cavalry in front of him except W. H. F. Lee's brigade, but 
that the trains had been hurrying down all the morning from Gor- 
donsville crowded with infantry and artillery. Precisely what effect 
this answer had on the mind of General Averell, cannot be definitely 
stated. All the circumstances seem to indicate that it had great 
weight, for no attempt was made to push his command farther. 

At 6:30 P. M. that day, the day of the Chancellorsville battle, 
General Hooker sent a dispatch to Averell, through Captain 

The Battle of Greatest Lustre, 209 

Chandler, which read in part: "I am directed by the Major- 
General commanding-, to inform you that he does not understand 
what you are doing at Rappahannock Station." To this message, 
Averell replied at 7:20 A. M. next morning : "I have the honor 
to state in reply that I have been engaged with the cavalry of the 
enemy at that point, and in destroying communications." On the 
day following General Hooker issued an order as follows : "Briga- 
dier-General Pleasanton will assume command of the division now 
commanded by Brigadier-General Averell. Upon being relieved, 
Brigadier- General Averell will report for orders to the Adjutant- 
General of the army. ' ' 

In explanation and justification of the above order General 
Hooker 011 May 9th, in a report to the Adjutant-General of the 
.rmy, stated : "General Averell's command numbered about 
^,ooo sabers and a light battery, a larger cavalry force than can be 
found in the rebel army between Fredericksburg and Richmond, 
ind yet that officer seems to have contented himself between April 
•9th, and May 4th, with having marched through Culpeper to 
Rapidan, a distance of twenty-eight miles, meeting no enemy 
deserving the name, and from that point reporting to me for 


* * * * * * * 

'I could excuse General Averell in his disobedience if I could 
any where discover in his operations a desire to find and engage the 
enemy. I have no disposition to prefer charges against him, and 
in detaching him from this army my object has been to prevent an 
active and powerful column from being paralyzed by his presence." 

In a report written by General Averell, whilst stung by the order 
recalling him, he explained his delay at Rapidan Station on the 
ground that, "All the intelligence we had been able to gather from 
a captured mail and from various other sources, went to show that 
the enemy believed the Army of the Potomac, was advancing over 
that line, and that Jackson was at Gordonsville with 25,000 men, to 
resist its approach." When he penned that sentence, he must 
have had well in mind among the intelligence which he had been 
able to gather, what young Wright had told him. 

The two Wrights, named in this communication, are still living- 
Cat Oldham's, Westmoreland county, Va.,) and retain vivid recol- 
lections of the incidents here recorded in their lives as soldiers. It 

210 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

is a pleasure to testify to their singular gallantry as soldiers and 
their substantial worth as citizen?. 

G. W. Beale. 

From the 7'itnes-Dispatch, March 4, 1906. 

Roll of Company E, Thirteenth Virginia Cavalry, and as to 
the Flag of the Regiment. 

Captain, Junius A. Goodwyn. First Lieutenant, J. J. Gee; Second 

Lieutenant, Z. Griscom. Privates — William Agee, Apperson, 

W. W. Aldridge, O. W. Aldridge, P. R. Akers, B. D. Akers, A. D. 
Alfriend, Henry Bowman, Peter Beach, P. O. Brittle, W. J. Bryant, 
Burwell Belcher, C. D. Blanks, R. C. Bland, Thomas Brummell, 
T. W. J. Baptist, David Bisset, Herbert Crowder, Norvell Crowder, 
Jacob Crowder, Boiling Chandler, George Chandler, W. W. Chap- 
pell, M. R. Clayton, Thomas Clark, Joseph T. Carter, Charles W. 
Carter, J. W. Cole, N. W. Collier, Thomas Devvel, W. J. Eanes, 
Robert Faiser, Daniel B. Finn, Wesley Fittz, George Garrett, I. 
J. Godfrey, D. E. Goodwyn, Robert D. Grigg, John Henry, Jeff. 
T. Hudgins, W. J. Hite, W. T. Harris, Robert Hudgins, Littleton 
Hudgins, R. B. I' Anson, Charles W. Jones, James Jamieso'n, George 
W. Jones, Henry C. King, R. P. Lambeth, G. W. Livesay, B. 
Lufsey, Edward Lufsey, George W. Ledbetter, Thomas Lufsey, 

Lewis, W. T. Mason, O. T. Mingea, Samuel D. Mann, W. 

H. Meredith, Benjamin T. Miles, T. B. Mize, George C. Owen, 
W. B. Perkinson, I. B. Perkins, T. E. Parish, Phocean Rolfe, 
Herbert Snoddy, J. C. Snoddy, William Spain, G. O. Spain, H. 
E. Spain, Abraham Spain, A. B. Spain, W. H. Spain, Henry 
Spain, Simon Seward, James Smith, Cannon Stewart, W. W. 
Tate, R. W. Tally, D. A. Traylor, James Tatum, A. Tucker, Mack 
Watts, E. B. Wright, George W. Watson, Jeff. Watson, G. W. 
Williams, W. P. Williams, Albert Williams, W. C. Woodson, P. 
W. Wells, William Weeks, Henry Winheld, W. R. Wilkes, 
William H. Widgins, J. W. Williams. 

Roll of Company F, Thirteenth Virginia Cavalry, 211 

Editor Times- Dispatch : 

Sir — Referring - to a statement in a recent issue of your paper, 
that the battleflag of the 13th Virginia Cavalry, captured at Pooles- 
ville, Md., in 1862, had been returned to the State, I beg to state 
that the 13th Virginia Cavalry didn't participate in the Maryland 
campaign in 1862; that its fine service with the army of Northern 
Virginia proper, was in the fall after that campaign. The com- 
panies for most part doing separate duty between Petersburg and 
Norfolk, a battalion, doing duty on James river, as a body. 

L. R. Edwards, 
Late Lieutenant, Company A, 13th Virginia Cavalry, 
Franklin, Va. 

212 Southern Historical Society Papers 

From the Times-Dispatch, August 26, 1906. 


Was one of Most Brilliant and Stubbornly-Fought of the 
Entire 'War — Extended for Four Months. 

Correspondent who was Long with Famous General 
Describes His Personality. 

A few days after the disastrous Battle of Cedar Creek, Va., 
fought October 19, 1864, I was shown a letter by General Early 
from General Lee, answering Early's report. General Lee, in 
his letter, placed to Early's account no blame for the defeat, 
but assured him in the kindest manner that he had accom- 
plished in his campaign all and more than he expected. He 
also assured him that he considered the movement a forlorn 
hope, made for the purpose of withdrawing from his front and 
overtaxed army as many men as possible. In this respect it 
was eminently successful, as it compelled General Grant to send 
to the Valley three of his best corps of infantry and Sherman's 
superb cavalry. 

When the Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia 
left its winter quarters, on the south bank of the Rapidan, the 
4th of May, 1864, it was commanded by Lieutenant-General 
Ewell, and had 20,000 men on duty, fully officered. It fought 
Grant on the 5th and 6th of May at the Wilderness; on the 
8th and 10th at the river Poe, and on the 12th at Spotsylvania. 
Courthouse, where Jackson's old division, with its artillery of 
sixteen pieces, was nearly destroyed at the "Bloody Angle" by 
Hancock's Corps. It fought again at the North Anna river, 
and again at Bethesda Church, or second Cold Harbor. 

When General Early assumed command and was ordered to 
Lynchburg with this corps, its ranks had been reduced to less 
than 6,000 effective men. It was not an army : it was a disor- 
ganized rabble — divisions commanded by colonels, brigades by 
majors, regiments by captains and companies by sergeants, and 

Valley Campaign of General Early. 213 

a large number of officers were serving in the ranks, carrying 


At Lynchburg Early was reinforced by Generals Breckinridge 
Avith Wharton's division of infantry, Jenkins' and Vaughan's 
mounted infantry, William L. Jackson's and Morgan's cavalry. 
His whole force then numbered 10,000 infantry, and about 3,000 
cavalry. He was further reinforced by Kershaw's division of in- 
fantry and Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry before the Battle of Cedar 
Creek, October 19, 1864. At no time had his army more than 10,- 
000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry. With this disorganized force, he 
fought and defeated Lew Wallace at Frederick City, July 6th, 
and arrived in front of Washington on July nth, about 12 M., 
making his headquarters at Silver Springs, the residence of 
Hon. Francis P. Blair. Being in the enemy's country, he had to 
march by brigades, each defending its own wagon train, and, it 
being exceedingly hot, it was nearly dark before he could make 
a demonstration against Fort Stevens ; and when it was done, it 
was found that General Grant had got a corps of his best 
troops there in its defense. After consultation, General Early 
determined to withdraw his troops again to Winchester. 

The burning of the home of Montgomery Blair was wholly 
an accident, caused by its being unoccupied and at the mercy 
of straggling soldiers. General Early, during his entire stay, 
protected private property to the full extent of his power, and 
and never gave an order to destroy Blair's home. 

General Early, however, concluded not to stay at Winchester, 
but proceeded down the Valley to New Market. He, however, 
left Major-General Ramseur with his command, with positive 
instructions not to bring on a fight. Ramseur took dinner with 
Mr. Phil. Dandridge, and when the enemy made a demonstra- 
tion, started his command to chastise them. Feeling pretty good, 
no doubt, from the wine at dinner, he was careless in his move- 
ments, and when four miles north of Winchester, ran into an 
ambuscade, which came near annihilating his command. He 
lost his battery of artillery, and several officers and men, and 
but for William L. Jackson's cavalry, which was in his rear, 
unmounted, the entire command would have been captured. In 

214 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

this fight Lieutenant F. Calloway, aide to General Ramseur, 
was shot through the stomach, receiving a wound from which 
only one in a thousand recovers. 

Early remained at New Market but a few days, returning to 
Winchester, and encamped his army along the Valley Turnpike 
as far north as Martinsburg. 

Sheridan at this time had his command strung out along the 
Berryville Turnpike from Charleston to White Post. Sheridan's 
command consisted of three corps of infantry, 33,000 men and 
Sheridan's superb cavalry of over 10,000, while Early had only 
13,000 all told. Here these commands rested for six weeks. 
Sheridan during .the whole time making no demonstration, while 
his command was three times as large as Early's. Early, how- 
ever, was not idle. He ordered Generals Bradley T. Johnson and 
McCausland to meet him at Williamsport. 


On the hill overlooking the town General Early ordered me 
to write the following with pen and ink : 

To General Bradley T. Jo/inson, 

General John TifcCausland, Commanding Cavalry: 

" You are hereby ordered to proceed with your commands at 
once to Chambersburg, Pa., and in consideration of the destruc- 
tion by General David Hunter of the residences of Edmund I, 
Lee, Alexander R. Boteler and Andrew Hunter, in Jefferson 
county, Va., and of the Virginia Military Institute and other 
property in Lexington, Va., and also the burning of the iron 
works and home of Joseph R. Anderson, in Botetourt county, 
you are to demand the immediate payment of $500,000, and if 
not paid burn the city." 

The General signed these orders, as he said he did not wish 
it thought he could hide behind his adjutant-General, A. S. Pen- 

After making the two orders and delivering them in person 
to Johnson and McCausland. he accompanied them to Hagers- 
town, had a dinner at the hotel and returned to camp at Bunker 
Hill that night. 

Valley Campaign of General Early.. 215 

Again a few days later Early moved on Shepherdstown and 
drove Sheridan's cavalry from Leetown to the Potomac, and still 
Sheridan declined to fight. 

On the 19th of September, urged by the press, and ordered 
by General Grant, Sheridan pushed forward his infantry to- 
wards Winchester, and about sunrise of the 19th the first gun 
from the enemy was fired at "General Early and his staff at the 
crossing of the Opequon Creek, four miles north of Winchester, 
From that time until sun down the battle raged with great fury, 
Early contesting every fort to the town of Winchester, 
and but for the failure of his cavalry on his left to hold their 
position, he could have won the day. 

This failure, however, caused him to withdraw his army near 
night to Hollingsworth Mills, two miles south of Winchester. 
His losses were heavy in men and officers, among whom were 
Generals Rodes and Godwin. He left his wounded in town and 
his dead on the field. This was one of the most brilliantly and 
stubbornly fought battles of the war — 13,000 against 43,000. 
Early carried with him over 1,000 prisoners, who were sent on 
to Richmond. 

The fight at Fisher's Hill was nothing more than a skirmish 
on a large scale. Here General Early lost his adjutant-General, 
A. S. Pendleton, one of the most promising young officers de- 
veloped by the Civil War. 


Retreating down the Valley, he halted at Staunton, Sheridan 
following to Middle River, five miles north Here Sheridan or- 
dered a return to Winchester, without attempting a battle. On 
this countermarch the enemy destroyed over 2,000 barns, 100 
mills, and every grain, hay and fodder stack for sixty-five miles, 
and telegraphed General Grant that a "crow flying down the 
Valley would have to carry his own rations." In the light of 
burning barns, mills and grain stacks, Early followed to Wood- 
stock, and rested his army, his front at Fisher's Hill. 

On the morning of the 18th General Gordon and Captain 
Hotchkiss rode to the signal station on Massanutton Mountain, 
find they found that Wright's army had been weakened by at 
least a corps, and that it had been removed to White Post, about 

216 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

twelve miles northeast of Strasburg. General Early was noti- 
fied, and also viewed the position. Returning to camp, he as- 
sembled his major-generals, and a council of war determined 
upon a daylight attack — Gordon in command of the second corps, 
composed of Evans', Ramseur's and Pegram's divisions. He 
was to turn the enemy's left at Buckton, and Kershaw, with 
Wharton, was to rush the front. These movements were to be 
made as the first ray of the rising sun pierced the sky. Early 
and staff were awaiting on the hills overlooking the position. 

It was a most trying moment, and General Early fully appre- 
ciated it, and turning to his chief of staff, Colonel Moore, said : 
''Colonel, this is the most trying experience of my life; if I 
could only pray like Stonewall Jackson, what a comfort it would 

He had hardly uttered the words when Gordon fired his first 
gun, which was immediately followed by the entire army, and 
in a short time the entire force was over the breastworks of the 
enemy, surprised and routed, in a retreat only equalled by that 
of Bull Run. 


It must be remembered our army was but the remnants of 
the Second Corps, and other commands, men barefooted and 
ragged, and but half fed, and our horses broken down, with 
nothing but grass for food. The men had been on the move since 
6 A. M 1 ., with no sleep for thirty hours, and it was not surpris- 
ing they should straggle and plunder the. enemy's well-supplied 

General Early followed Wright's army to the hills overlook- 
ing Middletown, and there calling a halt, he found but 5,000 men 
for duty, and in the woods north of Middletown there was the 
Sixth Corps (Sedgwick) in line of battle, ^protected by abattis 
work 10,000 strong, which had been removed from White Post 
during the night to this position. The officers of this corps had 
also succeeded in halting and reorganizing at least 10,000 of 
Wright's routed army. 

As the fates had worked against him Early determined to 
hold his position and retreat under the cover of night, and here 
again lie ivas disappointed, as Sheridan, about 4 P. M., moved 

Valley Campaign of General Earl//. 217 

forward his command of 20,000 men, overlapping his left flank, 
which seen by Doles' brigade, they fled in a panic and without 
firing a gun from their position. The other commands followed, 
and Early was left with only Pegram and Wharton, less than 
1,000 men, to combat this overwhelming force, which they did 
until they reached the bridge, and they, too, retreated in dis- 
order, leaving Early's twenty-four pieces of artillery, also ambu- 
lances and ordnance train, at the mercy of Custer's Cavalry, 
which had struck our column at the Capon Road. 

By 8 o'clock P. M., all was lost — Early fell back to New Mar- 
ket, and then in a few days his scattered forces were collected 
and reorganized, with the loss of but 2,860 men. 

Thus ended one of the most brilliant, and stubbornly fought 
campaigns of the war, lasting four months. Sheridan's forces. 
in front of Early from August 2nd to November 1st. numbered 
over 50,000 men, and his losses, including those of Wallace, at 
Frederick City, on the 6th of July,, and Crook at Winchester 
on the 24th, exceeded 20,000 men killed, wounded and prisoners. 

Early's entire force from the 15th of June until -November 1st. 
■with all reinforcements, was but 20,000 men of all arms, and his 
entire losses in killed, wounded and captured, less than 9,000. 


Personally General Early was a remarkable character ; he was 
elected to the Virginia Convention in i860; he fought secession 
to the utmost and voted against it. 

When Sumter fell and Lincoln called for troops to invade 
the South, he offered his services to the State of Virginia, and 
raised a regiment. When the ordinance of secession was passed 
he again voted against it and refused to sign it. 

He never accepted his parole or took the oath, or voted after 
the war. He never wore anything but his Confederate gray, 
and was buried in it. 

The stories of his excessive drinking were malicious lies. 

General Early was a man of strong and stubborn disposition, 
but he was also a sincere friend. 

With all his faults and virtues he has passed over the river. 

and is resting with his beloved Lee and Jackson, under the shade 

of the heavenly trees. Peace to his ashes. 

Moses Gibson. 

218 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, July 29, 1906. 


John William Ashby is Man who Fell at Appomattox in 
Gordon's Last Assault. 

This Question Now Settled Once for All — Also the Last 
Federal Soldier Killed. 

The Confederate soldier Ashby, whose gravestone at Appo- 
mattox bears the mark of "Second Virginia Cavalry," was not 
of that regiment. Inquiry has elicited the well verified statement 
that he belonged to Company I, of the Twelfth Virginia Cav- 
alry, and that he was killed in action when Gordon advanced on 
the morning of April 9, 1865. 

I enclose two communications on the subject, the one from 
Bushrod Rust, formerly of Company I, Twelfth Virginia Cavalry, 
the other from Captain (now General) R. D. Funkhouser, of the 
Confederate Veterans. 

Here let me say that I am trying to get the names of the Con- 
federates who fell in the last days of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, from April 2d to April 9th. I would thank any com- 
rade to send me the statement of any officer or soldier killed 
within that period, and I am especially desirous, as chairman of 
the History Committee of the Grand Camp, Confederate Veter- 
ans of Virginia, to get a statement of all Virginia soldiers who 
were killed and wounded within those dates — April 2d to April 
9th, 1865. I have had collected a number of names which might 
have been forgotten or lost sight of, and hereby ask any one 
who has knowledge or information to send it to me at Lynch- 
burg, Va. 

Very respectfully, 

John W. Daniel. 

Met His Death In Last Fight. 219 


Dear Major Daniel,— In the Confederate column, Sunday, 
July i, 1906, I noticed your inquiry, "To what company and 
regiment Ashby, who was killed at Appomattox, belonged?" 
Buckner Ashby, a wealthy farmer, resided near Stone Bridge, 
Clark county, Va., before and at the commencement of the "war 
between the States," and had three grown sons, James Lewis, 
John William, and Buckner G. Ashby. 

At the commencement of hostilities James Lewis Ashby en- 
listed in Company D, Clarke Cavalry. Sixth Virginia Regiment, 
and was killed in action at the battle of Trevillian's, June 12, 
1864, Hampton commanding Confederates and Sheridan the Fed- 

He was a gallant soldier, a most estimable gentleman, and a 
true patriot. John William Ashby enlisted in Company I, 
Twelfth Virginia Cavalry, in April, 1862, and served his coun- 
try well up to the time of his death, at Appomattox, April 9, 

He had participated in many hard fought engagements before 
the final campaign from Five Forks to Appomattox. 

Directly after the Beverley raid in January, 1865, our regiment 
the Twelfth, was furloughed home for some weeks on account 
of the scarcity of forage. At the proper time all were ready to 
meet the foe, and our brigade was placed under the command 
of General James Dearing, a worthy successor of the peerless 
Turner Ashby and the gallant Rosser. 

John Williams Ashby took his place in the ranks and did his 
whole duty at Five Forks, and in every other action in which 
his command was engaged, including the hard fight at High 

At Appomattax, Sunday, April 9, 1865, General Gordon was 
ordered to force a passage through the Federal lines, and in the 
midst of the fierce combat which ensued Ashby was mortally 
wounded by a cannon shot, and left in charge of John Buckner 
Ashby, a member of the same company. After undergoing the 
most intense agony for about two hours, Ashby died, and his 
remains were interred. 

He was a noble man, a dauntless soldier, a faithful comrade, an 

220 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

enthusiast in his love for his beloved southland, and one of the 
dearest friends the writer ever had. Requiescat in pace. 

Bushrod Rust. 
Company I, Twelfth Virginia Calvary. 


Maurertown, Va., July 6, 1906. 
Major William F. Graves: 

Dear Sir,— I noticed the article in the Richmond Times-Dis- 
patch of July 4, 1906, in which there is mentioned the name 
of Ashby, a cavalryman who was killed near Appomattox Court- 
house and buried there, etc., and I write to inform you that he 
belonged to the Twelfth Virginia Cavalry, and is the reason you 
cannot find his name in the roster of the Second Virginia Cav- 
alry. William Ashby was a native of Warren county, Va., which 
was my native county also, and he joined my infantry, Com- 
pany D, of the Forty-ninth Infantry (Virginia), "Extra Billy" 
Smith's Regiment, but went to the cavalry before we left our 
county seat, Front Royal, Va., in June, 1861, and I always 
heard that he was killed in the last cavalry charge at Appomat- 
tox Courthouse, April 9, 1865. 

I was Captain J. B. Updike's first lieutenant, and succeeded 
him in command of the company after 12th May, 1864, at Spot- 
sylvania, when the Captain was wounded, and was never fit for 
duty afterwards. You may know him. Fie lives at Clover 
Dale, Botetourt county, Va., and was a brave and kind officer. 
and a jolly good fellow. We were reared in same county, six 
miles apart, and were militia officers before the war, and well 
acquainted, and went to work and made up a company, which 
became distinguished in the First Manassas battle by being in 
the charge with the Stonewall Brigade that took Ricketts' Bat- 
tery on the Henry Flouse hill, which ended the fight in the 
( Confederates' favor. And then, too, we were thrown into the 
balance at Spotsylvania Courthouse, May 12, 1864, after John- 
son's division was captured, when all seemed to be lost, and 
it was our duty to try to retake the works. Then it was Gen- 
eral R. E. Fee rode up and offered to lead us, the Forty-ninth 

Met His Death In Last Fight. 221 

Virginia Regiment, Pegram's Brigade, Gordon's Division, and 
William A. Compton, of Company D ? Forty-ninth, led his (Gen- 
eral Lee's) horse to the rear; and history knows the rest. And 
it is a pleasure to me always to assist in having all of the brave 
Confederates, and more especially the names of those who lost 
their lives in the struggle of '6i-'65 for constitutional liberty and 
State's rights, placed upon the Confederate roster, so that the 
histories may duly record their deeds on the brightest pages 
of chivalry and heroism in the world's history. This is my rea- 
son for giving the foregoing- information as regards William 

Yours truly, 


[The following from the Baltimore American of January 6, 1907, 
gives not only an account of the last man killed on the Federal side 
in 1865, but includes also some other facts of interest. — Ed.] 

Last Man Killed in Civil War. 
(Anderson Cor. Indianapolis Nezvs.) 

Capt. B. B. Campbell and Daniel F. Mustard, of this city, mem- 
bers of the Thirty-fourth Indiana Infantry in the Civil War, have 
obtained the last photograph of the last man killed in the Civil War 
— John Jefferson Williams, of Jay county. 

"It is on record that the last battle of the Civil War was the one 
in which Jeff. Williams was killed," said Mr. Mustard. "It was 
fought on May 13, 1865, almost a month after the surrender of Lee 
to Grant. The prolonged campaign of our regiment was accounted 
for because of delay in getting word to us to lay down arms. We 
got into that last battle when we went to the relief of some colored 
troops who were foraging for beef cattle, and were charged on by 
Confederates. Jeff Williams was the only man killed. 

"The boys carried his body to near Brownsville, Tex., where it 
was buried. About 10 days afterward our regiment was marching 
into Brownsville, Tex., to take that town when we met Confeder- 
ates who did not oppose us and explained that the war was over. 
We then occupied Fort Brown and other camps near Brownsville 
until ordered home for our discharge." 

222 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatcli, May 30, 1906. 




Unveiling of the Statue to, in the Capital Square, 
Richmond, Virginia, May 30, 1906. 


Presented by Judge JAMES KEITH, President of the Court of Appeals 

of Virginia, and accepted by Governor CLAUDE A. 

SWANSON in Appealing Addresses. 

The ceremonies relating to the unveiling of the Smith monument 
began this afternoon at 2.30 o'clock, when, under instructions of the 
chief marshal, the mounted escort and militia and veterans, assembled 
between Fifth and Seventh Streets, in Grace Street, moved East to 
the Capital Square, the military escort swinging in through the 
Grace Street gate, and the occupants of the carriages and dis- 
mounted horsemen moving to Capital Street and entering from 
that gate. 

The speaker's stand was already crowded with State and city 
officials and invited guests. 

Gradually the hum of many voices ceased, and as Chaplain J. 
William Jones raised his hand, as he opened the exercises proper, 
a perfect stillness fell over the gathered throng, and heads were 
bared and bowed as the veteran chaplain invoked the blessing of God 
and offered thanks for the past blessings lavished on Richmond, 
the South and the United States. 


Following the prayer, Judge James Keith, who was to deliver 
the presentation address, stepped to the front of the platform, and 
in the following terms presented the statue to the Commonwealth 
of Virginia: 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William Smith. 223 

Fellow - Citizens of the Commonwealth of Virginia : 

A distinguished son of Massachusetts has said of the Virginia of 
the Revolutionary period, that "We must go back to Athens to 
find another instance of a society so small in number and yet capable 
of such an outburst of ability and force." 

Into this society, in the County of King George, on 6th of Sep- 
tember, 1797, was born William Smith. 

The public opinion of the day was dominated by the sentiments 
which had caused the War of Independence and carried it to a 
successful conclusion. From his earliest infancy, his mind was fed 
and his character formed with stories of heroic deeds. At the fire- 
side he would hear recounted incidents of the stern struggle for 
freedom in which all with whom he was brought into association 
were engaged. The mighty figure of Washington still lingered 
upon the stage; Light-Horse Harry Lee, the hero of the Southern 
campaigns, great in himself, but to be remembered in all coming- 
time as the father of Robert Edward Lee; and Jefferson, Madison, 
Monroe and Marshall were at the zenith of their great careers while 
William Smith was in the tender and receptive days of his early 
youth. What lessons he learned! What examples he saw around 
him! What inspiration to form his ideals upon that which is noble 
in life, and what incentives to high achievement! In order to rouse 
his ambition, to kindle the sacred fire in his soul, there was no need 
to turn to books of chivalry or romance, to pore over Plutarch's 
Lives or Livy's pictured page. It was a saying of the great Doctor 
Johnson that "The man is little to be envied whose patriotism 
would not gain force upon the plain of Marathon, or whose piety 
would not grow warmer among the ruins of lona." If such be the 
force of environment, how great must have been its influence upon 
a boy of ardent temperament, of fine intellectual gifts, reared in 
such an atmosphere and among such surroundings! We shall see 
that in the breast of William Smith it kindled a fervid love of 
country which age could not cool, and which, to the end of a long 
life, retained all its warmth, like Hecla with its crown of snow and 
heart of fire. 

Fitted by a liberal academic and professional education, on reach- 
ing man's estate he entered upon the practice of law, and attained 
distinction in that profession, which along with other business 
pursuits, furnished an ample field for the display of his talents and 

224 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

energies. But he was soon to be called to play a distinguished part 
in public affairs. 

In 1836, he was elected to the Senate of Virginia as a Democrat. 
He always had firmest faith in the integrity, the patrotism and the 
ultimate wisdom of the great body of people. He thought the 
people equal to the task of self government, and therefore placed 
the strictest construction upon governmental powers by which their 
freedom of action and of choice are to be fettered and restrained; 
in other words, he thought with Jefferson, that the least governed 
were in the main the best governed communities, and that the 
voters, when a question of expediency or policy is discussed before 
them, were quite capable of a wise and just decision. As this 
opinion was honestly cherished and consistently maintained, and as 
he reposed his trust in the people, he was in turn loved and trusted 
by them with a passionate devotion which knew no variableness nor 
shadow of turning. To vouch all this I have only to turn to the 
inscription, which records in bare outline the many positions of 
honor and trust he was called to fill. 

What a busy life it was; time would fail me were I merely to 
catalogue the more striking incidents of a career so crowded with 
varied experiences! That inscription tells you with the highest 
eloquence, because with truth and simplicity, the places he filled 
with so much honor to himself and such advantage to his country 
that not a moment of private life was permitted to him. It tells you 
the principles and sentiments by which he was guided and con- 
trolled, the great central idea of which was, " Virginia's inherent 
sovereignty," which in time of peace he maintained with "fearless 
and impassioned eloquence;" and that when "the storm of war 
burst, his voice was in the sword." 

For the men of the generation which is rapidly passing away, 
the war is and must be the one great overshadowing fact. It looms 
up in the memory in such vast proportions that all else which hap- 
pened before and since seems trivial and of little worth More 
especially is this true of this day of all days, when North and South, 
all over the land, there 'is an outpouring of the people to honor 
themselves by paying a loving tribute to the memory of our glorious, 
our happy dead — happy, because nothing can harm them further, 
while the memory of their heroic deeds, of their lives offered as a 
willing sacrifice upon the altar of duty, is sweeter and more fragrant 
far than the flowers with which we bestrew their honored graves. 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William. Smith. 225 

In April, 1861, the storm so long threatened burst upon us. The 
land was alive with men hurrying to the front. It is scarcely a 
figure of speech to say, that the plow was left in the furrow, and the 
bride at the altar, by those eager to be in place when the curtain 
was rung up on the greatest tragedy of ancient or modern times. 

In Virginia, Manassas was the first point of concentration, with 
an advanced post at Fairfax Courthouse composed of a company of 
infantry from Fauquier under John Ouincy Marr, a cavalry com- 
pany from Rappahannock under Captain Green, and another from 
Prince William under Captain Thornton. Such was the beginning 
of the Army of Northern Virginia. Drawn from all ranks and 
employments in life, it represented every social phase, condition 
and occupation, fused and welded by the seismic force of that 
tremendous upheaval into an organization whose deeds were pre- 
destined soon to make all the world wonder. 

On the night of the 31st of May, or more accurately in the early 
morning of the 1st of June, a body of United States cavalry charged 
into Fairfax Courthouse, effecting an almost complete surprise, 
coming in with the videttes whose duty it was to give warning of 
their approach. Everything was in confusion. But it chanced 
that on the preceding evening Governor Smith, like a knight errant 
in search of adventure, had arrived upon the scene and was spend- 
ing the night at the house of a friend. Awakened from his sleep 
before the dawn, he quickly dressed and armed, and with that 
break-of-day courage which Napoleon loved and found so rare, he 
hurried to the scene of conflict. Colonel (afterwards General) 
Ewell was in command, but he being presently wounded, our old 
friend took charge. What then happened has always been to me 
a wonderful thing. It is said by Byron, that when you have been 
under fire 

"once or twice, 
The ear becomes more Irish and less nice." 

But here we see one verging upon sixty-four years of age, kindlv 
in all his dealings with his fellow-man, whom the gentle Cowper 
might well have called his friend, for he would not needlessly have 
set his foot upon a worm, and yet he springs from his bed with 
arms in his hands, and with the coolness of a veteran and the skill 
of a born soldier he at once grasps the situation, and by his exam- 
ple rallies a part of the men from the disorder into which they had 

226 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

fallen, disposes of them most judiciously, inspires them with a por- 
tion of his own courage, and finally repulses the enemy with loss. 

On this day, June ist, John Quincy Marr fell in battle. Was 
he the first to fall ? It is bootless to inquire. He answered the first 
call of duty, and he fell upon the field of honor. Virginians can 
trust posterity and the contemporary opinion of foreign nations, 
which, it is said, stands towards us in somewhat the same attitude 
with that of posterity and anticipates its judgment, to make a just 
award and to assign to us our due share in the glory of that mighty 
struggle. For that award we shall wait with serene confidence, and 
with it we shall be content, certain of this at last, that there is 
enough and to spare for all. 

We next hear of Governor Smith as colonel of the Forty-ninth 
Virginia Infantry at Manassas. To follow his career in detail would 
be to give the story of the Army of Northern Virginia. At Manas- 
sas, Williamsburg, Seven Pines, the seven days of battle around 
Richmond, at Sharpsburg, at Gettysburg, he displayed upon 
greater and bloodier fields the high soldierly qualities of which he 
gave promise and earnest at Fairfax Courjthouse. At Seven Pines 
we see him seize a fallen banner and bear it to the front, heedless of 
a storm of shot and shell; at Sharpsburg all day upon the perilous 
edge of the fiercest battle of the war, he displayed the highest 
courage and by his example lifted his men above all fear of the 
carnival of death, in the midst of which they stood unshaken during 
that awful day. Oppressed by the weight of years, weary from 
almost superhuman exertion, bleeding from grievous wounds, his 
constant soul, mounting with the occasion, was careless of all save 
the command he had received and the promise he had given to 
hold the position. Can you conceive of anything finer than that? 
And yet it is no fancy picture; it is cold, sober, unadorned truth. 
What fancy could add to it? The attempt would be wasteful and 
ridiculous excess. Marshal Ney, reeling from wounds and ex- 
haustion covered with blood, staggering into a Prussian town and 
exclaiming, "I am the rear guard of the Grand Army," was not a 
more heroic figure. 

At Gettysburg his conduct was equally admirable, and his readi- 
ness to perceive and promptness to meet situations as they dis- 
closed themselves during the ever-changing fortunes of a great 
brittle were again conspicuous and of inestimable value. He had 
that quickness of physical and intellectual vision which enabled him 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William Smith. 227 

to see the crucial point, to catch the moment of a crisis, and thus to 
do the right thing at the right time — one of the highest attributes 
of a soldier. 

Let us pause here for a moment. Think of what the Army of 
Northern Virginia was, of what it suffered and endured, and of what 
it achieved. To have belonged to that army and to have passed 
through that fierce ordeal in any capacity however humble, pro- 
vided one did his duty, is warrant for no small meed of praise — 
that army of which an eloquent historian of its great adversary, the 
Army of the Potomac; has said : "Who can ever forget that once 
looked upon that array of tattered uniforms and bright muskets, 
that body of incomparable infantry, the Army of Northern Virginia, 
which for four years carried the revolt upon its bayonets, opposing - 
a constant front to the mighty concentration of power brought 
against it, which receiving terrible blows did not fail to give the like, 
and which vital in all its parts died only with its annihilation." 
What then of the man who joined it at sixty-four, and without 
military training, by sheer force of his own high qualities, won his 
way to the rank of major-general under the eye and with the 
approval of Robert E. Lee, and whose conduct in battle extorted 
the warm admiration of that Rhadamanthine judge, General Jubal 
A. Early ? Their approbation was praise indeed. 

In the spring of 1863 he was for a second time elected governor. 
During his first term in that office, to which he was chosen by the 
legislature in 1845, he discharged his duties in a most satisfactory 
manner. There is but one circumstance of that administration to 
which I wish to call particular attention. 

In the various schemes for constructing internal improvement, a 
subject which then engaged to a great degree the attention of the 
people of this State, he advocated a system which would have pro- 
moted the unity and solidarity of all sections of our Common- 
wealth, and which converging upon Richmond was designed to 
make this city the commercial as well as the political capital of the 
Commonwealth. He contemplated the construction of railroads 
from the western and northwestern parts of the State, which would 
have had a strong tendency to diminish, if not to obviate, the dis- 
position towards separation along those natural lines of cleavage, 
the Alleghany mountains. Other counsels prevailed, other plans 
were adopted, the interests of the western part of the State were 
alienated from us; and, when the time of stress came, Virginia was 

228 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

dismembered, and she who had created the Union of States was 
torn asunder by her offspring. 

Succeeding Governor Letcher, who had during three years of 
war had been our zealous, able and patriotic chief magistrate, 
Governor Smith, on January ist, 1864, entered upon his second 
term. The strain upon the nerves, the energies and the resources 
of our people was terrific. Already the seemingly impossible had 
been accomplished. Vast armies had been raised and equipped. 
The enemy with equal ardor and with unstinted abundance of men 
and supplies to draw upon, came again and again to the attack with 
unwearied, unabated constancy. Our men in the field must be fed, 
and the supplies must be drawn from those at home who were them- 
selves in want. The commonest necesaries of life were exhausted. 
There are men here to-day who lived and toiled and fought on four 
ounces of raw pork and one-half a pound of coarse corn meal a day. 
I, myself, to relieve the hunger of a gallant infantryman, have 
robbed my horse of his scant supply of unshelled corn. 

Governor Smith was called upon to take office under these 
appalling conditions. The tide of war had for three long years 
swept over the land, but his undaunted soul was in unison with the 
unshaken fortitude, the unfaltering resolution of our people. He 
bent every energy, he strained every nerve, to alleviate the wants 
of the people, to supply the absolute needs of the army. So long 
as rations and cartridges could be supplied he knew that the thin 
gray line of steel which hedged us about could be trusted to keep 
the enemy at bay, to "carry the revolt upon its bayonets;" and 
with all his heart he set himself to his task. With absolute unsel- 
fishness, with perfect singleness of purpose, he toiled at his more 
than herculean labor. He had no friend to serve, no enemy to 
punish. The cry of his soul to God was, that he might serve his 
people. All that man could do he did. He seized upon every 
material resource that was within his reach; he rekindled the spirit 
of our people; he reanimated the courage of our soldiers. But he 
could not reverse "fix'd events of Fate's remote decrees." 

It is a pleasing and yet an idle thing to speculate upon what 
might have been could we reconstruct the past and cause things to 
happen otherwise than as they actually occurred. What might 
have been had Fate called Governor Smith to a wider and a higher 
field of action; to guide the destinies, not of a State, but of man) 
States through that titanic struggle? 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William Smith. 229 

The war ended, he returned to his home in Fauquier, where he 
lived in dignified retirement, broken more than once by the voice of 
the people who demanded his services in the legislature. His hos- 
pitable home was always open, and there he spent the peaceful 
evening of his days. He had lived a long life filled with great 
events. Indeed the chief difficulty in speaking of him is to select 
where material is so abundant. Almost coeval in time with the 
.doption of the Constitution of the United States, the story of his 
life involves the history of his country, which he served in the legis- 
lature of the State, in the congress of the United, as the executive 
of the State in time of peace and again in time of war. He might 
truthfully have said with old Aeneas : 

. . . . "quaeque ipse miserrima vidi, 
Et quorum pars magni fui." 

He outlived every antagonism, he hushed every discord, and 
when his end came he was at perfect peace with his God and his 

"Of no distemper, of no blast he died, • 

But fell like autumn fruit that mellow'd long — 

Even wonder' d at, because he dropped no sooner. 

Fate seemed to wind him up for four-score years, 

Yet freshly ran he on ten winters more; 

Till like a clock worn out with eating time, 

The wheels of weary life at last stood still." 

And now we are gathered to unveil a monument to his memory 
mdto present it to the Commonwealth of Virginia, in whose service 
lis life was spent. To erect monuments that we may perpetuate 
the memory of noble deeds, seems to me an inversion of the true 
order of things. It is striving to make the perishable bear witness 
to that which is imperishable; to call upon that which is earthly to 
keep alive that which is spiritual and immortal. You may stand at 
the tomb of Achilles and hear Troy doubted. Gone are its towers 
and battlements, its stately temples and gorgeous palaces, but the 
Iliad which tells the story of the siege and fall of Troy is as fresh 
today as it was three thousand years ago. This bronze will yield 
to the remorseless touch of time, this granite pedestal will crumble 
into dust; but the influence of a noble life is never lost, nor its 
memory wholly forgotten until the day when 

230 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

"The cloud-capped towers, the gorgeous palaces, 
The solemn temples, the great globe itself, 
Yea, all which it inherit, shall dissolve, 
And, like an insubstantial pageant faded, 
Leave not a rack behind." 


Immediately following the presentation address, Miss Eleanor 
Smith, of Fauquier County, grandniece of the old governor, gentlv 
pulled the unveiling rope, and the heavy hood fell from the statue, 
leaving the proud figure of the "Virginian of Virginians" standing 
alone, grasping his sword and casting oft" his cloak, advancing to 
the aid of his State and country. 

At the sight of the statue thus exposed to the public view for the 
first time, the audience burst into long and enthusiastic applause, 
the thunder of their clapping and cheering being heard for squares 
around the capitol. 


The statue had been presented, and all that remained was its 
acceptance by the State. 

Upon Governor Swanson the duty fell, and raising his hand to 
quiet the applause and command attention, he said: 

Judge Keith and Fellow - Citizens: 

By the authority vested in me as Governor and in behalf of the 
people of this Commonwealth, I gladly and gratefully accept this 
gift. It is fitting that the statue erected to commemorate the 
achievements of this distinguished Virginian should be placed in 
these lovely grounds and in this superb city. The bewitching 
beauty of these grounds is due mainly to his refined taste, earnest 
efforts and generous aid. It is but proper in the coming years that 
he should survey the scene of loveliness he formed while Governor 
of this State. He stands here erect in fit company and with worthy 
associations. Not one of the illustrious company whose statue 
adorn yon magnificent monument ever had heart stirred with a 
purer patriotism, or thrilled with a deeper love for Virginia than 
Governor Smith. From early manhood to mature old age, in 
peace, in war, in the days of her power and splendor, in the hour 
o( her gloom and defeat, this devoted son of Virginia firmly, 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor WilUam Smith. 231 

faithfully and fearlessly served her. Virginia's honor was his 
honor, her wrongs were his wrongs, her failures were his failures, 
her success was his success. In his deep passionate nature 
flamed an eternal love for this State. Speaking for the people of 
Virginia, we are proud to have placed here this memorial of this 
beloved son, making worthy addition to yonder monument around 
which cluster the forms of so many eminent Virginia patriots. In 
the future, Virginia, like the mother of Gracchi, can point to this 
son as one of her brightest and purest jewels. It is appropriate 
that this brave son should stand here in company with Virginia's 
immortal soldier, Stonewall Jackson. At the battle of First 
Manassas he was close to Jackson and as Colonel of the gallant 
Forty-ninth Virginia Regiment, he participated in the fierce fight- 
ing and contributed to that splendid victory. It is well for all time 
that he should gaze upon the ancient capitol of this Commonwealth, 
whose foundations antedate the Federal constitution and whose 
edicts once ruled from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. This old 
capitol has been the scene of his many civic triumphs and can bear 
witness to his ceaseless public toil and great public service. 

Governor Smith was the highest type of a Virginian; a name 
synonymous with the most splendid attributes of human character. 
Sunshine scintillated in every lineament of his pleasing face. It has 
been well said : "He had the whitest head and the lightest heart 
that marched with the Confederate colors." Geniality ever radiated 
from his warm, generous heart. Kindly courtesy characterized his 
manly deportment. To women he ever extended a deference and 
reverence, bespeaking innate refinement and purity. A devoted 
husband and father, a kindly neighbor, a loyal friend, he possessed 
in a pre-eminent degree those sterling Anglo-Saxon home virtues 
which constituted the foundation of its greatness and has made it 
the world's conquering" race. The pleasing personal traits were 
adornments that gave charm to a strong rugged nature. He was 
a man of tireless energy, strong convictions, superb courage. No 
misfortune could bring despair to his brave and stout hear. At the 
age of 53, when from public service and sacrifice he found himsell 
indebted and bankrupt he left his home and family in Fauquier, 
traversed the continent, and amid the mining camps and wild 
scenes of California, earned the means to pay his debts and pro- 
vide a future competence for his family. These years of wild and 
fierce struggle speak volumes of sterling strength and heroism. He 

232 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

was a man of positive convictions and without the shadow of turn- 
ing, adhered firmly and steadily to his party's tenets and principles. 
For almost half a century he was one of the ablest and most eloquent 
defenders of Democratic principles in this State. On the hustings, 
in the press, in the legislative halls of the State and nation, he was 
the bold, brave champion of Democracy; its acknowledged and 
most beloved leader. When a small minority of Democrats bolted 
the Democratic caucus united with Whigs and defeated him of his 
election to the United States senate, which he had richly earned 
and deserved, he manfully acquiesced, never sulking or swerving 
from party fealty. He was too good and great a man to desert his 
people because they failed to crown him king. 

Governor Smith was a man of absolutely scrupulous honesty. A 
great orator well said : "Honesty is the oak around which all 
other virtues cling; without that they fall and groveling die in weeds 
and dust." The paths of his public life were crowned with vast 
power, responsibility and opportunity, yet no stain ever followed 
his footsteps. His pure, clean hands were never soiled by betrayal 
of private or public trust. 

Governor Smith was a man of unflinching courage and intrepid 
spirit. When the Civil War commenced he was more than 64 years 
of age, yet, so ardent was his patriotism, so brave his heart, so 
resolute his will, that he volunteered and was commissioned as 
colonel of the Forty-ninth Virginia Regiment. Directed by his 
valor and military genius, this regiment soon attained a fame 
exceeded by none of the great Army of Northern Virginia. In the 
night assault at Fairfax Courthouse, almost the first of the war, he 
exhibited a coolness, a courage, a resourcefulness that made a pro- 
found impression at the time and marked him as one eminently 
fitted for military command and responsibility. 

At the battle of First Manassas, rallying around his regiment 
other troops that were disorganized and retreating, he stationed 
himself on Jackson's left, fought heroically and kept his line 
unbroken in all the vicissitudes of that fierce and terrific conflict. 
Subsequently, at Seven Pines, he attained yet loftier heights of 
courage and endurance. The figure oi this old hero, waving his 
flag and with sunnv smile leading his troops against the enemy 
under a murderous fire that wounded and killed more than half, 
will live in the hearts of all Virginians as long as courage and 
gallantry are cherished. The annals of war can scarcely furnish a 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William Smith. 233 

more striking" and picturesque scene of valor and daring. But it is 
at Sharpsburg that we love and admire him most. He was assigned 
a critical position in that terrible battle, the holding of which was 
absolutely necessary to the safety of the Confederates. Fierce 
attacks and assaults were made upon him. The situation seemed 
desperate; with calm heroism he said to his troops : "Men, you 
conquer or die where you stand." When General Jackson sent 
him orders, "To hold his position at all hazards," with steady eye 
and serene smile he replied, "Tell General Jackson that is just what 
we are going to do." His promise was fulfilled. Though wounded 
thrice, and dangerously, he refused to relinquish his command, but 
firmly and bravely held his position until the battle was finished. 
The commendation given him by his superior officers for this con- 
duct was eulogy sufficient to satisfy any soldier's heart. 

On the fateful and bloody third day's fight at Gettysburg the 
heroic courage and firm resistance of General Smith and his com- 
mand saved Lee's left flank. The glory of that day has placed him 
forever among the immortals. These great achievements brought 
reward and soon was he promoted to the rank of Brigadier-general 
and subsequently to that of Major-general. If he had not been 
called to other fields of usefulness, he would unquestionably have 
become still more illustrious as a soldier. By the universal acclaim 
of his people, he was soon called for the second time to fill the 
important and responsible office of Governor of Virginia. 

Virginia never bestowed upon any of her eminent sons higher 
evidence of confidence and affection than she did upon Governor 
Smith when she called him for the second time to the governorship. 
Virginia was then the battle-ground of the nation. Nearly her 
entire territory was the scene of terrific conflicts between contending 
armies. A strong, energetic, fearless, patriotic man was needed to 
direct State affairs during these existing and coming troubles. In 
this hour of danger and responsibility, the greatest that ever con- 
fronted this State, the people almost unanimously selected him to 
be their guide, counsellor and defender. Never was greater love 
and trust given by a people. Be it said to Governor Smith's great- 
ness and glory, never was trust more faithfully and fearlessly dis- 
charged. His brow will ever be decorated with an eternal laurel of 
praise for his superb conduct during the declining days of the Con- 

My countrymen, the character of Governor Smith and the natural 
aspects of his native State always to me seemed to have a strange 

234 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

and striking- conformity. Virginia is largely composed of rich, 
fertile fields, large and broad plains, decorated with hill and moun- 
tain scenery of surpassing beauty — so with this great son ; he was 
endowed with a strong, broad masculine mind and heart, sparkling 
with the fascination of geniality and humor, and glittering with the 
corruscations of courage, eloquence and genius. 

Sirs, the greatest of all English novelists in his masterpiece — 
'Vanity Fair' — has truly said that the world is a looking glass and 
casts back to each man the reflection of his own face. If he smiles 
upon the world, it smiles upon him; if he frowns upon it, it frowns 
upon him; if he hates it, it hates him; if he loves it, it loves him. 
Invariably reflecting back the picture presented. How profoundly 
is this truth illustrated in the magnificent career of this distinguished 
soldier and statesman. He faced the world with a genial, tender 
smile, and it received him with open, loving arms. He loved 
humanity and the world and he lived the idol of his people. He 
trusted the people and with implicit confidence his people in their 
hours of trial and gloom placed with loving faith their hands in his 
and followed his leadership and guidance. His people showered 
upon him great honors and important trusts. What a splendid 
career does his life present. 

A lawyer of fine attainment, with a large and lucrative practice, 
a successful business man of large and varied enterprises; an elo- 
quent speaker and a splendid debater. He served with great repu- 
tation in both branches of the general assembly of Virginia and in 
our national house of representatives. In each of these bodies he 
was a potential member, an acknowledged leader. Without effort 
on his part he was accorded the rare distinction of being twice 
Governor of this State. His administration of this high office was 
equal to that of any of his predecessors or his successors. By 
splendid military achievements he was promoted from colonel to 
Brigadier-general and finally to Major-general. Few public men, 
few statesmen, have ever been endowed with accomplishments so 
varied and brilliant, have experienced a life so crowded with grave 
and great responsibilities, so resplendent with success and honors. 

My countrymen, Carlylc, in his splendid essay on Voltaire, has 
truly said: "The life of every man is as the well-spring of a stream, 
whose small beginnings are indeed plain to all, but whose ultimate 
course and destination, as it winds through the expanse of infinite 
years, only the Omniscient can discern. Will it mingle with the 

Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William Smith. 235 

neighboring" rivulets as a tributary or receive them as their sover- 
eign ? Is it to be a nameless brook and will its tiny waters among 
millions of other brooks and rills increase the current of some world- 
famed river? Or is it to be itself a Rhine, a Danube, an Amazon, 
whose goings forth are to the utmost land, its floods an everlasting- 
boundary on the globe itself, the bulwark and highway of whole 
kingdoms and continents ? " 

As to what a man's life shall be, whether a tiny stream giving the 
current of its life to others, or a magnificent river, receiving the 
waters of thousands of smaller rivulets, depends largely upon one's 
talents and opportunities, but more than all else upon one's efiorts, 
will and ambition. Governor Smith, possessed of high qualities of 
mind and splendid talents, aspiring and ambitious, chose to make 
and did make the stream of 'his life as it ran with its pure waters to 
the great eternal ocean, a large and majestic river, known far and 
wide, fertilizing broad fields, enriching States and carrying on its 
bosom rich treasure for his country and mankind. It is by the lives 
and sacrifices of such men that States and nations are made strong 
and great. 

A poet has well expressed it: 

"What builds a nation's pillars high 
And makes it great and strong ? 
What makes it mighty to defy 
The foes that round it throng. 

"Not gold, but only men can make 
A nation great and strong; 
Men who for truth and honor's sake 
Hold still and suffer long. 

"Brave men, who work while others sleep, 
Who dare when others sigh; 
They build a nation's pillars deep, 
And lift it to the sky." 

At the close of the Governor's words a heavy salute was fired by 
the military escort, and with a crash of music the ceremonies were 
brought to a close, and the military, veterans, escort, etc. , reformed 
in column and proceeded to Hollywood to attend the memorial 
exercises there. 

236 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


The figure of Governor Smith stands on a heavy pedestal sur- 
rounded bv a swinging chain fence. On the several sides of the 
base are the following inscriptions: 


William Smith. 


Born Sept. 6, 1797. Died May 18, i887. 

i836-'40 1 841- 2 

Member of Virginia Senate. 

1 846-' 49 

Governor of Virginia. 

1841-3 1853-1861 

Member of United States Congress. 


Member of Confederate States Congress. 


Colonel Forty-ninth Virginia Volunteers. 

i862-' 3 

Brigadier-General of Confederate States Army. 

1 863-' 4 

Major-General Confederate States Army. 

Governor of Virginia. 


A man of strong convictions, bred in the strict States' Right school, 

He yielded paramount allegiance to his mother State, 

And maintained, with fearless and impassioned eloquence, 

In the Congress of the United States the Sovereignty of Virginia, 

When the storm of war burst, 

"His voice was in his sword." 

third FACE: 

Though past threescore, he entered the military service 

As Colonel of Virginia Infantry, 

And rose by sheer merit to the rank of 


Unveiling of the Statue to Governor William Smith. 237 

At First Manassas, Seven Pines, the Seven Days' Battle, 

Cedar Mountain, Second Manassas, Sharpsburg, 

Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville 

and Gettysburg. 

His fiery, yet "cheerful courage" was everywhere conspicuous, 

And the only fault imputed to him by his superior was 

"A too reckless exposure of his person," 

Thrice wounded at Sharpsburg, he refused to leave the field, 

And remained in command of his regiment until the end of that 

sanguinary engagement. 


Called from the army to guide again the destinies of this 

Commonwealth during 1864-65 

He displayed such energy, resource and unshaken resolution, 

As drew to him the heart of the whole Southern people. 

Tried by both extremes of Fortune proved equal to the trial, 

And died as he had lived, 

A Virginian of Virginians. 

The following description of the statue was prepared for The News 
Leader by William L. Sheppard, who designed it in drawing and 
molded the clay model from which the work was made: 

"The action of the figure illustrates the turn in Governor Smith's 
public career in which he abandoned the civil for the military office. 
He has seized the sword in his right hand, having freed himself of 
the drapery on that shoulder. With his left hand he is in the act 
of casting the cloak from his person. This pose was selected from 
several drawings from which a small model was made. This was 
approved by the parties in interest and several friends who were 
asked to inspect it, among them Colonel Cutshaw and Mayor 

"The large figure, from the design, was modeled by William 
Sievers, of New York, formerly of Richmond. He was first a 
scholar and subsequently instructor in modeling in the Mechanics' 
Institute. Mr. Siever's afterwards studied in the schools of Rome. 
His work on the figure thoroughly represents the spirit of the 
design and is done with bold technique. 

"W. Cary Sheppard designed the pedestal, which was cut and 
erected by Albert Netherwood." 

238 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Mr. Sheppard's other work in the city is the Libby Hill monu- 
ment, Howitzer and A. P. Hill. Within the last two years he has 
done soldiers' monuments for Lewisburg, W. Va., and Louisa, Va., 
the latter being a high relief lifesize figure. 

History of Quitman Rifles. 239 

From the New Orleans Picayune, April 22, 1906. 


Historic Command, Organized in 1859, Composed of 
Pike County's Pride. 

Holmesville, Miss. , April 2i, 1906. 

The occasion of the reunion of surviving Confederate veterans at 
Holmesville raises the curtain and brings to view scenes presented 
here forty-six years ago. Then the town of Holmesville was the 
county seat of justice and one of the most lovable spots in South 
Mississippi, nestling at the foot of a range of hills and situated on a 
sloping hammock with the beautiful Bogue Chillo River rippling at 
its feet, nine miles East of the railroad. Pike County was formed 
in 1815, and this place was chosen as the seat of justice. It has 
been the home of some of Mississippi's greatest men, and its 
history is full of interesting events. The surrounding country was 
peopled by a class of thriving farmers and large cotton planters, the 
offspring of the hardy pioneer settlers who penetrated its wilds, 
after Congress had constituted the Mississippi territory in 1798. 

The railroad from New Orleans to Jackson, Miss., was scarcely 
finished and Holmesville was the center of business, drawing its 
supplies from New Orleans by way of Covington, through ox wagon 
transportation, and it was also a center for gaiety and resort for the 
people of New Orleans. 

The beautiful Bogue Chillo River furnished the finest facilities for 
lishing, boating and bathing. The country was in a flourishing- 
condition and there was perhaps no place that could boast of a 
happier people. 

In 1859 a military company was organized by Preston Brent, a 
graduate of a military institute in the State of Kentucky. They 
named it the Quitman Guards. The company then was composed 
of the young men and some of the married men of the town and 
immediate vicinity. 

In the year i860 the ladies of Pike County formed a "Banner 
Society" for the purpose of raising funds to have a handsome banner 
made to present to the Quitman Guards, in which the following named 

240 Southern Historical Society Papers, 

married and unmarried ladies took an active part, and afterwards 
became identified with the stirring scenes of the sixties: Mesdames 
I. T. Lamkin, S. A. Matthews, Dr. Jesse Wallace, John S. Lamkin, 
H. S. Bonney, J. C. Williams, Dr. George Nicholson, H. M. Quin, 
Louis C. Bickham, Dr. Hillory Quin, J. B. Quin, H. F. Bridgers, 
Richie Quinn, Christian Hoover, B. C. Hartwell, Widow Eliza 
Bickham, Owen Conerly, William A. Barr, J. A. Brent, Preston 
Brent, Jackson Coney, Andrew Kaigler, James A. Ferguson, 
W. M. Quinn, William Ellzey, Jeremiah Coney, R. G. Statham, 
James Conerly and W. M. Conerly, and the following young ladies: 
Rachel E. Coney, Nannie Ellzey, Emma Ellzey, Fanny Wicker, 
Laura Turnipseed, Fanny A. Lamkin, C. A. Lamkin, Elizabeth 
and Frances Lamkin, Mary A. Conerly, Mrs. Jennie Lindsey 
McClendon, Lucy Brumfield, Victoria and Lavinia Williams, 
Mary E. Hartwell, Eliza Hoover, Nannie W T ells, Julia Hoover, 
Mollie Quin, Alice Quin, Alvira Sparkman, Bettie Miskell, Eliza 
Thompson, Elizabeth Thompson, Catherine Conerly, Mollie 
Magee, Mary E. Vaught, Julia Bascot, Maggie Martin, Martha 
jane Sibley, Ida Matthews and Ida Wallace. 

Miss Rachel E. Coney, daughter of Jackson Coney and Emeline 
Morgan, was chosen to present the banner, and Emma Ellzey and 
Fanny Wicker were chosen as maids and Benton Bickham escort 
of honor. 

Hugh Eugene Weatherby, a brilliant young lawyer, was selected 
to receive the banner on the part of the Quitman Guards, and the 
ceremonies were performed the same year on the public square, the 
spot chosen for the ceremonies of the return of the flag to the 

The banner was made in the city of New Orleans. It is of light 
cream colored silk, with a gold fringe around it and the United 
States coat of arms formed in the center. On one side, worked in 
gold letters, is the inscription : 

"Our Country and Our Homes." 
On the other : 
"Presented to the Quitman Guards by the Ladies of Pike county." 

After the secession of Mississippi and the formation of the Con- 
federate Government at Montgomery, Ala., in obedience to a call 
of President Davis on Governor Pettus for aid to protect Pensacola, 
the Quitman Guards were reorganized and mustered into the service 

History of Quitman Rifles. 241 

of the State on April 21, 1861, with Samuel A. Matthews as captain. 
The company was attached to the Sixteenth Mississippi Regiment 
under Colonel Carnot Posey, and served through the war in 

In a few more years the remnants of this company will have 
passed into the unknown, where all the heroes who figured in that 
great conflict have gone, and it has been determined by them to 
have this relic of theirs framed and deposited in the Hall of Fame 
at Jackson, with a suitable record of those instrumental in its pre- 
sentation and return to them. 

Pike county sent out eleven companies, besides Garland's 
Battalion, into the Confederate service. 

Preston Brent, who organized the Quitman Guards in 1859, also 
organized the Brent Rifles and took them out in 1862. He became 
colonel of the Thirty-eighth Mississippi Regiment and was severe] v 
wounded at the siege of Vicksburg, in 1863. 

Thomas R. Stockdale, who acted as one of the escorts to the 
young ladies at the presentation of the banner, was major of the 
Sixteenth Mississippi Regiment the first year of the war. He after- 
wards raised a cavalry command and became lieutenant-colonel of 
the Fourth Cavalry. At the close of the war he resumed the 
practice of law and married Fanny Wicker, one of the maids of 
honor at the banner presentation. He was subsequently elected to 
Congress and served several terms, when he was appointed Supreme- 
Judge of Mississippi by Governor McLaurin. 

H. Eugene Weathersby was a graduate of Centenary College, 
La., in a class with Judge T. C. W. Ellis, of the Civil District 
Court, and went out as a lieutenant in Captain John T. Lamkin's 
company, organized at Holmesville in 1862, of the Thirty-third 
Regiment, and was killed at the battle of Franklin, Tenn. , Novem- 
ber 30, 1864. He was a son of Dr. Solomon Weathersby and 
Martha Jane Bennett, of Amite county. His grand-parents were 
immigrants from South Carolina, and came to the territory of 
Mississippi early in 1800, and settled in Amite county. 

The little girl, Miss Norma Dunn, chosen to return the banner to 
the survivors, is a granddaughter of Captain S. A. Matthews and 
(laughter of H. G. Dunn, of the firm of Dunn Bros., merchants of 
Sum mitt, who married Mamie Mathews. 

Captain John Holmes, of Picayune, the last captain of the Quit- 
man Guards, received the banner. 

242 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

In the early sixties, when these young men shouldered their 
muskets and went out into the army of the Confederacy, it was not 
dreamed that the years which have passed and been forgotten by 
so many would again be recalled and bring to view the scenes which 
touched so many hearts, and filled the laud with the flood of tears 
that were wept. It is so long ago that age has crept on the brows 
of many who were children then, and now the youths who fought 
through the great war and have lived to see the rehabilitation of 
their desolated homes gather here to take the banner that was 
handed to them in the morning of life and fold it forever with the 
benediction which has filled the world with admiration. 

From Petersburg to Appomattox. 243 

From the Times-Dispalch, October 28, 1906. 


Lampkin's Battery of Artillery and How it Fought on 
famous Retreat. A Glimpse of General Lee. 

Fight Near Farmville and Splendid Service of the Second 
Rockbridge Battery. 

The account below of the retreat of Lampkin's Battery from near 
Fort Harrison, on the north side of the James, to Appomattox, is 
by Lieutenant Fletcher T. Massie, of that splendid company of 

It is interesting in its incidents, and particularly so in the account 
it gives of the gun and caisson captured on the morning of surren- 
der with their commanding officer and their men. 

It is shown by the report of General W. H. F. Lee, which Has 
come to light, that two guns were captured that morning by Beale's 
and Robins's Brigades ot his division. In the assault General 
Beale was wounded, and Wilson and Walker, of Rockbridge, were 
killed. One of the two guns was thrown over in a ditch, as other 
accounts have made known. The one gun and the caisson, which 
were brought into Lee's lines, were each drawn by six horses. It 
is possible, if not, indeed, probable, that this gun and caisson were 
counted by some onlookers as two guns, for some accounts say 
that four guns were captured. It is needlessly to go farther into 
this question now, and it suffices to remark that this account of 
Lieutenant Massie is valuable, so far as it goes, in fixing the cir- 
cumstances under which the gun and caisson were brought into 
Lee's lines, and that being put in charge of Lieutenant Massie and 
his ten men, were turned over by him in a short time after the 
surrender to the officer and men from whom they were taken. 

Lieutenant Massie is an active and vigorous man, enjoying 
excellent health at his home in Amherst County. 

Captain Lampkin, a gigantic grenadier, who would have been 
picked out on sight by Frederick the Great for one of his guards, 
and who made a great name while gallantly commanding his guns 

244 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

in battle, is still living- in Amhersl, and he and Lieutenant Massie 
stili look as if they would hear the bugle call of battle with relish 
and satisfaction. 

Jno. W. Daniel. 

My name is Fletcher T. Massie, and I was a second lieutenant in 
Lampkin's battery of artillery, which was organized in Nelson 
county, Va. 

In the retreat from Petersburg the men of the battery, under 
Captain Lampkin, were near Fort Harrison, on the north side of 
the James. We had nearly a hundred men in the battery at the 
time of the last operations, and had been using mortars at Fort 
Harrison. We left Fort Harrison in the night and crossed Mayo's 
Bridge at daylight next morning, the day the enemy took possession 
of Richmond. We were on foot, and eight or ten mortars were 
carried along with us in wagons. We were attached to Lieutenant- 
Colonel Haskell's artillery battalion. W T e had neither swords nor 
muskets. As we progressed on our march, we crossed the river 
near Flat Creek, in Amelia county, when a man in Confederate 
uniform rode up to Haskell's battalion and told them to take the 
road leading to Paineville. He then rode off. 


As we got nearer Flat Creek a body of Federal cavalry suddenly 
dashed from the front with a battalion yelling and shooting. There 
were several hundred of them. I did not then have time to count. 
We had no infantry support, and one gun of Ramsey's battery, 
which had been gotten into position to fire, was run over and 
captured by the cavalry and the battalion dispersed They also 
got all of Ramsey's guns, which were four fine English rifle pieces. 
They also got all of our mortars, and these two bateries, Ramsey's 
and Lampkin's, constituted the battalion at this time. Captain 
Lampkin was soon captured. I escaped to the woods, and when 
the affair was over I went back to the scene, where I found wagons 
cut down, the teams gone and ten men of my battery. 

I am satisfied that the man who gave the order for us to take the 
road to Paineville was a Yankee scout in disguise Sergeant Jam< s 
F. Wood, of Lampkin's battery, saw him, after he was captured in 
the affair with the Yankees, and said he was undoubtedly one 
of them. 

From Petersburg to Appomattox. 245 


I told the men to supply themselves with rations out of the cut 
down and broken up wagons which the Yankees had left near Flat 
Creek, and we had a plenty of raw provisions for the time being. 

We marched on together, crossing Appomattox River on a 
ferryboat near High Bridge, and got to Farmville on Thursday 
(•veiling. Our rations had now given out, but a Confederate 
commissary at Farmville gave us a new supply, which lasted us to 
the end. We spent that Thursday night in Farmville. 

On the next morning (Friday) I took my ten men and marched 
towards the county bridge that crosses the Appomattox, not far 
from Farmville. I met General Pendleton on the eastern side of 
the bridge and inquired for Haskell's battalion. He told me that 
it was coming on, and in a short time I met Coloneli Haskell on 
the Richmond side of the bridge with two batteries of his battalion, 
which had been marching with him. About this time General 
Robert E. Lee rode up at the head of a column of infantry. He 
halted the men on the eastern side of the river to stop their progress 
along the line of our subsequent march towards Appomattox.. 
General Lee looked as he always did, and showed no sign of any 
discomfiture whatever. 


We were now about a quarter of a mile from Farmville, and we 
marched about a mile farther on the road to Appomattox. I now 
saw a section of artillery — that is, two guns of the Second Rock- 
bridge Battery — on a hill in action, and which appeared to be a 
small brigade of infantry supporting them. A spirited skirmish 
was going on. I never saw men work guns better or more 
efficiently than did that section of that artillery. The infantry 
receded at one time behind the battery, where they were formed, 
and, advancing in fine trim, they charged and drove the enemy. 
It seemed to consist of infantry and artillery. I did not see any 

The result of this action was the capture of some seven hundred 
Federal prisoners, and the enemy were thrown back and defeated. 
I do not know what command the Confederate infantry belonged to,. 

We remained in this position the afternoon of Friday. The 
Yankee prisoners were collected under a hill, and the skirmishing, 
mostly with artillery, continued until about dark. The missiles 

246 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

from the Yankee artillery swept over the top of the hill behind 
which the Yankee prisoners were lying- down, and struck into the 
hill behind them. The prisoners naturally stuck pretty close to the 
ground, and some of them said "they were damn-fool Yankees 
shooting those guns," for they were very dangerous to their own 

At nightfall we resumed our march towards Appomattox. 
During Saturday we were on the march, without incident of im- 
portance. In the evening we heard the guns of a skirmish near 
Appomattox.. We halted about nightfall, about a mile before 
reaching Appomattox, and for the first time during the retreat the 
harness was taken off of the horses that carried Colonel Haskell's 


On the morning of April 9th, the day of surrender, we were early 
in arms — that is, those who had them. My ten men had none, and 
Haskell's battalion marched in the rear of Field's division to Appo- 
mattox Courthouse. Passing through the village, Colonel Haskell's 
guns were placed in position in the line of battle formed on the 
western side of the courthouse. I cannot say at what point Field's 
division was put in position. As my ten men had no guns to 
serve, nor small arms to use as infantry, I kept them near the court- 
house. There I met a lieutenant of Ramseys's battery. We 
walked out of the village, where we could see the Confederate line, 
and I remarked to the lieutenant how slender it looked, and how 
many openings there were in it, covered by their infantry or 
artillery. Most of our artillery were in the hollows behind the 
infantry, and it was evident that the army, as one of the generals 
said, "had been worn to a frazzle." We turned after surveying 
the scene to rejoin our men in the village, when we heard the guns 
of a skirmish in the direction of the Lynchburg front. Soon after 
that, a Yankee, gun, the brass Napoleon of Company M, United 
States Regular Artillery, and the caisson also, each hauled by six 
horses, were brought into the village by a Confederate cavalry 
escort on horseback, the Yankee detachments going along with the 
guns, and the Yankee drivers being in the saddle. A Federal 
lieutenant of artillery rode along with them. A little later I met 
General Alexander, chief of artillery of Longstreet's corps, in the 
village. He said to me, after our greetings : "I am sorry, Lieu- 

From Petersburg to Appomattox. 247 

tenant, you have not your guns with you, for I am putting the guns 
iii position now to meet the enemy." 


"I am sorry," I said, "but I have gotten men here who can 
serve a gun, and I saw a Yankee gun just now coming into the 
village, and I would like to have that, for my men can handle it." 
"Very well," said he, "come with me and I will turn it over to 
you." So we went together and found the gun with the Yankee 
company, which had been captured, and some of the cavalry that 
had it in charge, and I took possession of it with my ten men and 
got ready to carry it into position as soon as General Alexander 
should tell me where to place it. 

Before any further orders came from General Alexander, I saw 
General Lee ride up into the village with two Federal officers, one 
riding on each side of him. He came from the Lynchburg side of 
his army. I knew from seeing these officers with General Lee that 
the whole thing was about up. Soon after this the news came that 
the army had surrendered. Before we heard what the terms of 
surrender were, a group of us, consisting of my men, myself, 
Colonel Haskell, and a number of officers, agreed together that we 
would not go to prison, would cut our way through the lines some 
way or other, but we would not surrender to be captured and carried 
off. Then came the farther news, circulated from lip to lip, that we 
would be paroled under the terms of surrender that had been agreed 

When my men took charge of the captured Napoleon gun, the 
men of the company were turned over to the Confederate provost- 
marshal, but as soon as the surrender was over the Federal lieutenant 
who commanded it and many of his men returned to where I was. 
He was as hot as pepper about having lost his gun that morning, 
but he greeted me kindly, though at first he did not seem in a humor 
for talk. In a little while his temper improved, and when I turned 
the gun over to him, he had it and the caisson hitched up, put his 
men in charge of it and drove off. Before he left us he said he had 
been deceived that morning, having been told that the way "was 
open to him. No sooner had he got in the brush than the Con- 
federate cavalry swooped down on him and got all around him, and 
he didn't have a chance to fire a shot before he and his gun were 
captured. We had taken the Yankee horses for the most part, 

248 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

that brought out the gun and caisson and swapped them off to 
cavalrymen or officers, whoever wanted them, and had put in their 
place the worn and haggard Confederate horses that they had 
ridden down. When the lieutenant looked at the new horses we 
had provided for him, he evidently knew what had happened, but 
lie never said a word about it. 

Fletcher T. Massie, 
Second Lieutenant, Lampkin's Battery. 


Longest March in Shortest Time — Suffolk to Gettysburg. 

Editor Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — I will say that I was a member of Company E, Eighteenth 
Virginia Regiment, Hunton's Brigade,. Pickett's Division. I knew 
Comrade S. W. Paulett very well. I have made many long and 
weary marches with him. I don't think any troops made a longer 
march to reach Gettysburg than we did — namely, from Suffolk. 
Va., to Gettysburg battlefield, and I would like to say that the 
Thirty-second Virginia Regiment was at one time attached to 
Hunton's Brigade, and that was in the fall and winter of 1863-64. 
Hunton's Brigade, with the rest of the division, came from Orange 
county to the vicinity of Richmond about the first of October, 1863. 
Hunton's Brigade went to Chaffin's farm, eight miles below Rich- 
mond, and went in quarters vacated by Wise's men. In about two 
weeks the Eighteenth Virginia Regiment was sent to Petersburg to 
do provost duty in the town; at the same time we relieved the 
Thirty-second Virginia Regiment, who had been doing similar 
duty up to that time. So the Thirty second Regiment went to 
Chaffin's farm and were attached to Hunton's Brigade, and 
remained with them until the last of Mayor first of June, 1S64, 
when at Hanover Junction, when we rejoined our brigade and the 
Thirty-second went back to Corse's Brigade. In the meantime the 
Eighteenth Virginia Regiment was with Corse's Brigade and left 

Gives Fall Record. 249 

Petersburg with them about the last of January, 1864, and went to 
the vicinity of Newbern, N. C, and had quite an exciting time, 
capturing a good many prisoners and some fine guns and horses. 
We captured one complete camp of a New York regiment about 
five miles out from Newbern. While in North Carolina we were at 
Goldsboro, where in February we re-enlisted for the remainder of 
the war. We were at Rocky Mount and Tarboro in May. We 
returned to Virginia in time for the battle of Drewry's Bluff, May 
16, 1864. after which we went to Richmond, and, lying on the green 
grass inside the Capitol Square, heard a speech from Congressman 
McMillan from Tennessee, and drew some chewing tobacco, after 
which we took the train for Guinea Station, in Spotsylvania, just in 
time to make the march with Lee's army for the North Anna. 
Here we held Grant's vast army in check for some days, when we 
made the move to Cold Harbor, and there I made ray last fight, 
being desperately wounded, and my career as an active Confederate- 
soldier came to an end, 

M. J. Moore, 
Formerly of Company E, 18th Virginia Regiment, Hunton's 
Brigade, Pickett's Division, Longstreet's Corps. 

Gig, Va., September, 1906. 

250 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, September 30, 1906. 


Graphic Story of Work Done on One of the Bloodiest of 
Fields — Forty-five Per Cent. Loss. 

Shot at From Behind a Stone Fence — Samples of 
Ptrsonal Courage. 

[For further information of the terrific battle and of the loss 
sustained by the Fifteenth Virginia Infantry, Colonel E. M. 
Morrison, see Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XXXIII, 
pp. 97-110. — Ed.] 

Editor Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — On December 10, 1905, you published in the Confederate 
column an account of the part the Fifteenth Virginia Regiment 
took in that awful battle of Sharpsburg, on September 17, 1862. 
It was written by that noble and gallant gentleman, Colonel E. M. 

The hope was then expressed that some soldier who was there 
would do for the Thirty-second Virginia Regiment what Colonel 
Morrison had done for the Fifteenth Virginia. I have waited for 
nearly one year to see if some one more competent than I would 
respond, but so far I have seen no account of the Thirty-second 
Virginia, and the old regiment was there, and did her full duty, 
having lost forty-five per cent, in killed and wounded. If our 
noble Colonel Edgar Bunn Montague, Lieutenant- Colonel W. R. 
Willis, Major Baker P. Lee, or several Captains, Samuel Armisteaci, 
Octavius Coke, O. P. Johnson, Segar Green, Adjutant Pettit, and 
other true and brave men were alive, they could and would give a 
good account; but I will try and do the best that I can, and tell 
what I saw and did from my standpoint, which was not very far 
right or left of our colors. Bob Forrest was the color-bearer, John 
Cose, of Company I, was on his right front rank, and I was on his 
left front rank. Captain Octavius Coke, of Company C, on my left. 

Our brigade (Semmes's) left Maryland Heights on the afternoon 

Thirty-second at Sharpsjbury, 251 

of the 16th of September, 1862. We crossed the river at Harper's 
Ferry on pontoon bridges. Late in' the day saw plenty of Federal 
prisoners. I got a good supply of crackers and maple sugar. We 
camped just outside of the town, and rations were issued with 
instructions to cook at once. It was then about dark. We marched 
until about ten o'clock, and then hied off into an open field to rest 
for the night, as I thought. Most of us lay on the ground to sleep 
and rest, but many, as usual, went off foraging for something good 
to eat. At about twelve o'clock, I reckon, we were awakened by 
that very unwelcome, everlasting long roll, and our colonel, 
mounted on his old sorrel, riding about the men, saying, " Hurrv 
up, men! Hurry! Everything depends on being at the ford bv 
daybreak." That word, "Hurry!" and, "Steady, men! steady!"' 
were his favorite commands. (Brave and true soldier he was; he 
ought to have been a general.) 

It looked then as if we were going back to Maryland. About 
that time, Leonard Taylor, of Company C, said, "Boys, we are 
going to catch thunder today, for I have been dreaming that we 
were in the hardest battle yet." His dream came too true, for 
before sunset on that day, the 17th of September, our regiment, 
the Thirty-second Virginia, had lost in killed and wounded forty-five 
per cent. (The poor boy was afterwards killed at Second Cold 

After a hard march we reached the ford (Boteler's, just below 
Shepherdstown) at daybreak and crossed the Potomac, and 
marched up the river opposite Shepherdstown, halted, and two 
men from each company detailed to fill our canteens. At that time 
General Jackson rode up and directed General McLaws to strike 
McClellan about Dunkards' Church and drive him back. Kershaw's 
Brigade rested near the church, Barksdale's next, Semmes's next, 
Cobb's Legion next, I think, and Fitz Lee's cavalry next on the 
river. I think that was about the formation of the line about where 
we went in the battle. 

I will say just here that Captain R. L. Henley (afterwards Judge 
of James City County), as we were on the way to the field procured 
a musket, and, as was his custom, went in the fight with his old 
company, C. He was at that time commissary of the regiment. 
He was wounded three times before leaving the field. 

We went on at quick time until halted and ordered to unsling 
knapsacks and all baggage (except "war-bags," haversacks and 

252 Southern Historical Society Papers, 

canteens); and then on to the field at a double-quick through 
fields, woods, creeks, fences and most everything. I thought as 
we came out of a piece of woods to the field I saw General Jackson. 
I think the Tenth Georgia was on the right of our brigade (which 
was in echelon with Barksdale's Brigade), the Thirty-second next, 
the Fifteenth next, I think, and the Fifty-third Georgia on extreme 
left. As we emerged from the piece of woods, Colonel Montague 
gave command, ''By company into line!" as we were marching by 
the flank; but the regiment came into line at one movement and 
started across that terrible, bloody field. Looking to my right, I 
witnessed one of the most magnificent sights that I ever saw, or ever 
expect to see again. It was Barksdale's men driving the enemy 
up into and through a piece of woods in their front. Their fire was 
so steady and severe that it looked like a whirlwind was passing 
through the leaves on the ground and woods. I remarked to 
Captain Coke, on my left, "to look; was not that the grandest 
sight he ever saw." He said, "Yes, John, it is grand; but look in 
our front, my boy, and see what we have to face." 

At that time the field in our front was being literally plowed and 
torn up by shot, shell and minie b ills. Colonel Montague gave 
command that captains take their positions in the centre and rear 
of their companies. Captain Coke said that he was going to stay 
by my side, on the right of his company. I said to him it was a 
very dangerous place, so near the colors. He said, "Yes. every- 
where is dangerous here." In a lew moments he was shot above 
the knee and fell. The ambulance corps took him off the field, 
and he recovered to join us again before we got to Fredericksburg, 
in December, 1862. 

On we went until we reached a rocky knoll about, I should 
judge, seventy-five or one hundred yards from a stone fence, which 
the enemy were behind, pouring a shower of minies at us. At that 
point our loss was terrible. The ranks were so scattered, and the 
dead and wounded so thick, it seemed as if we could go no further. 
( )ur rear rank was ten or more paces in our rear, and we were in 
danger of being shot by our own men. Our flag was shot through 
seventeen times, and the staff cut in two. I don't think our color- 
bearer, Bob Forrest, was hurt. I was slightly wounded in the 
wrist and foot, and it seemed to me that most everybody near the 
Ilag was either killed or wounded. Both ot my jacket sleeves were 
bespotted with blood and brains of my comrades near me. 

Thirty-second at Sharpsburg. 253 

At about this time General Semmes came to our colors, and saw 
me still shooting away as fast as I could load, and asked where the 
enemy was located. I told him behind that fence in front. He 
said, "Yes, and they will kill the last one of us, and that we must 
charge them." He gave the command to charge. Bob Forrest 
went forward several paces in front and waited for the line of 
battle to come up, and Lieutenant Henry St. Clair, of Comparfy I, 
ran up to him and said, " Bob Forrest, why in the h-11 don't you 
go forward with the flag; if you won't go, give it to me," and 
started for it. Bob Forrest, as brave a man as ever lived, said to 
him, "You shan't have it; I will carry this flag as far as any man; 
bring your line up and we will all go up together." They did come 
up, and took the fence and drove the enemy up the hill. This 
practically ended the fighting in our front during that awful day. 
This is the best account I can give. I well know that the old 
Thirty-second Virginia did her full duty on that terrible, bloody 


John T. Parham, 

Late Ensign 32d Virginia Infantry. 

P. S.— I omitted to state that Capt. W. S. Stores, of Co. I, the 
color company, and Serg't- Major Jos. V. Bidgood were present and 
did their full duty, and are both now alive, and could give a good 
account of the battle. Joseph V. Bidgood's father was our chap- 
lain. I have heard that Major Willis, chaplain of the Fifteenth 
Virginia, had his coat shot all to pieces, and did not receive a 
scratch. He was one of our many fighting chaplains — would fight 
with his men during the day and preach and pray with them at 
night. J. T. P. 

!54 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch of April 22-29, May 6, 1906. 


The,y Will Divide the Honors with the Brave Men from 
Mississippi — Hunton Hero of the Day. 

The Famous Eighth Virginia Infantry, the Cavalry and the 

Richmond Howitzers — The Numbers Engaged 

on Both Sides in the Famous Fight. 

Editor of the Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — This paper on Ball's Bluff was partly prepared some 
weeks ago, but laid aside on account of an eye trouble, which pre- 
vented writing, and the examination requisite to accuracy. In the 
meantime Captain McNeily's account appeared, but as he writes 
from the standpoint of a Mississippian and I, from that of a Vir- 
ginian, there will be found enough variety of treatment to keep the 
interest of readers of war subjects and Virginia historic battles. 


R. W. Hunter. 

The proposed appropriation by Congress of $5,000 for the pur- 
chase of so much of the Ball's Bluff battlefield as may be necessary 
for the preservation of the National Cemetery there located, and for 
macadamising a road leading thereto from the Leesburg and Point 
of Rocks turnpike, recalls one of the most remarkable of the minor 
battles of the war, not only because of the laurels so gallantly won 
by the victorious Virginians and Mississippians, the disproportion 
of the enemy's loss to the number engaged on our side, the tragic 
character of the disaster which overtook the Federal invaders, but 
also because of its far-reaching effect in the derangement and check 
it caused to McClellan's whole plan of campaign. Apart from 
these larger results, the battle bristles with thrilling exploits, and 
incidents of the most sensational character, which invest it with an 
enduring interest to all students of the military and general history 
of our country. 

The significance of battles cannot be gauged fairly by the number 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff. 255 

engaged. The results, immediate and remote, must be considered. 
In his "Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World," beginning with 
Marathon in 490 B. C. , and ending with Waterloo, in 1815, Creasy 
gives Burgoyne's defeat at Saratoga, where the Americans largely 
outnumbered the British, as the decisive battles of our Revolution, 
because it led to the French recognition and alliance, which proved 
so opportune at Yorktown. Southern historians, with pardonable 
native pride, advance the claim of King's Mountains to the dis- 
linction Creasy accords to Saratoga; and with much show of reason, 
because at King's Mountain, the militia of the backwoods frontier 
of Southwest Virginia and the adjacent country of Tennessee, North 
Carolina and Kentucky, to the number of 910, under such master 
spirits as Campbell, Shelby, Levier, Cleveland, McDowell and 
Williams, with their hunting rifles met and destroyed Cornwallis' 
advance guard under Colonel Ferguson, composed of 1,016 of the 
flower of the British army, equipped with muskets and bayonets. 
Less than two thousand were here engaged and the battle lasted 
only an hour, but that hour was largely fraught with the nation's 
fate, in that it dispelled at once and forever, the fatal illusion that 
our colonial militia could not successfully contend with British 
regulars, and taught lessons infinite in value, and full of inspiration, 
to our struggle and dejected countrymen. 

While none of the splendid triumphs achieved by Southern arms 
in the war between the States can be called "decisive" in the sense, 
the terms applied to these battles of the Revolution, for the reason 
that the government for whose establishment they were fought, 
was finally overthrown, yet they will live in history forever as 
models of the highest attainment in the science of war; and in all the 
Southland, the names and deeds of its champions will be enshrined 
in the hearts of its people as long as men cherish honor and 
women love courage. 

To understand a battle thoroughly, the train of events which led 
up to it, the circumstances under which it was fought, and what it 
accomplished, must be considered; or more briefly in the phrase of 
the military writers, the "Genesis or Prelude, the Battle, and the 

Along these lines we shall try to describe Ball's Bluff, availing 
ourselves, largely, however, of the admirable history written by 
Colonel E. V. White and dedicated to the Loudoun Chapter of the 
U. D. C, for the benefit of the monument to the Loudoun soldiers. 

256 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

The realistic touches of a personal narrative give a life and 
spirit to his picture, which any effort of a non participant would 
necessarily lack. He belonged to Ashbv's Cavalry and volunteered 
for the fight as aide to Colonel Hunton, who tells in his official 
report of "the great service" White rendered "by his intimate 
knowledge of the country and his daring courage." Lieutenant- 
Colonel Jenifer, who was in command of the field until Hunton 
arrived, says he "never witnessed more coolness and courage than 
this young gentleman displayed, being exposed to the heaviest fire 
of the enemy." His subsequent career as a soldier was in accord 
with its early promise. He won promotion along with the praise 
of his generals, and as commander of White's (35th Va.) battalion, 
takes a place in our history among the boldest sabreurs who followed 
the plumes of Stuart, Hampton and the Lees. 

It is because he has supplemented his active participation with a 
careful study of the official reports (which many writers fail to do ) 
that I regard Colonel White as the best living authority as to the 
details of this battle, and will, therefore, quote from him freely. 


Popular clamor at the North for an advance upon Richmond, 
which was lulled for a while by the disastrous rout of McDowell at 
Bull Run, revived in intensity three months later. General Mc- 
Clellan, who appreciated the magnitude of the undertaking more 
clearly than the political generals who were goading him to aggress- 
ive operations, had wisely utilized the interval to discipline and 
mobilize the Northern hosts, which had rallied to the Union 
Standard, into that formidable organization which became famous 
as the "Army of the Potomac," and he was now making prelimi- 
nary reconnaisances with the view to a combined movement upon 
the Confederate position near Manassas. 

The main body of his army was in the defenses of Washington, 
south of the Potomac, and large Federal forces under Banks, 
Hamilton and Stone were located in Maryland, opposite the county 
of Loudoun, within easy march of the fords and ferries of the upper 
Potomac, which led to roads running to Leesburg. It will thus b( 
seen that Leesburg was a point of prime strategic importance, the 
possession of which would make McClellan, by menacing or pass- 
ing Johnston's left flank to manoeuver him out of his position, and 
this evidently was his aim. 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff. 257 

Apart from the necessity of guarding his flank and watching the 
ferries, the Confederate commander realized the importance of 
keeping open the turnpike leading from Leesburg across the Blue 
Ridge to the lower Shenandoah Valley, where Jackson was operat- 
ing, and saving for his army the abundant supplies of the fertile 
Piedmont counties. 


To compass these ends, Colonel Hunton had been ordered early 
in August to reoccupy Leesburg with the Eighth Virginia Regiment, 
and later on three Mississippi regiments — the Thirteenth, Seven- 
teenth and Eighteenth — under Colonels Barksdale, Featherstone 
and Burt with six guns of the Richmond Howitzers and three com- 
panies of Virginia cavalry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Jenifer, were 
sent to the same place, and organized as the Seventh Brigade of 
Beauregard's Corps, under command of Colonel N. G. Evans, of 
South Carolina, who had won great distinction at the first battle of 
Manassas, and for which he was afterward made a brigadier- 

Evans thought Leesburg was too much exposed and tQO far away 
for timely reinforcement in case of attack by a largely superior 
force, and had withdrawn his command to a strong position at 
Carter's Mill, seven miles nearer Manassas. Upon reporting this 
fact, General Beauregard wrote at once, asking the reason for his 
withdrawal, adding that the position he had occupied was "under- 
stood to be very strong, and the General hopes you will be able to 
maintain it against odds should the enemy press across the river 
and move in this direction. To prevent such a movement, and 
junction of Banks's forces with McClellan's is of the utmost 
military importance, and you will be expected to make a desperate 
stand, falling back only in the face of an overwhelming enemy." 

At midnight of the 19th, Evans moved his brigade back to Burnt 
Bridge, along the line of Goose Creek, where he had a line of 
intrenchments, and there awaited developments. His situation was 
now critical, and called for the same fine military foresight he had 
shown at first Manassas, where he disconnected McDowell's impos- 
ing feint at Stone bridge and met his main advance by way of 
Sudley Springs, some two miles beyond the Confederate flank. 

On the morning of the 20th, McClellan telegraphed to Stone, at 
Poolesville, Md., that "General McCall occupied Draneville, yester- 

258 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

day and is still there. Will send out heavy reconnoisances today 
in all directions from that point. The General desires that you 
keep a good lookout upon Leesburg to see if this movement drives 
them away. Perhaps a slight demonstration on your part would 
have the effect to move them." 


This order, although not so intended, brought on the battle of 
Ball's Bluff. 

When armies are on the qui vive for a fight, slight and unforseen 
causes often bring it on. It was Pettigrew's march in search of 
shoes, and his collision with Buford's cavalry, that precipitated the 
battle of Gettysburg, and defeated Lee's plan of concentration at 
Cashtown. So Stone's "demonstration" at Ball's Bluff deranged 
McClellan's plan for a general advance of his army. 

On the night of the 20th, Stone sent out a scouting party to cross 
at Harrison's Island and explore the country in the direction of 
Leesburg. Returning with the report that a rebel camp of abuut 
thirty tents was found in the edge of a woods near the town, Stone 
directed Colonel Devens, with four companies of his regiment — the 
Fifteenth Massachusetts — to destroy the camp, reconnoitre, and 
either to recross the river or remain, if he thought he could safely 
do so. 

Devens decided to hold on, and sent back to his brigade com- 
mander (Colonel Baker) for reinforcements. The latter consulted 
Stone, his division commander, and was given permission either to 
withdraw Devens or send him reinforcements. Eager to add the 
laurels of a hero to his fame as a senatorial orator, Baker promptly 
availed himself of the discretion allowed him, and sent word to 
Devens that he would come in person with his historic brigade to 
his support; and this he did as rapidly as the boats at his disposal 
would permit. 

The "rebel camp" was an illusion, the scouts having been de- 
ceived by a line of trees, which presented, in an uncertain light, 
somewhat the appearance of tents. But about 7 o'clock in the 
morning of the 21st, Colonel Devens encountered a very real and 
a very insuperable obstacle in the person of Captain Duff, with 
forty men of the Seventeenth Mississippi, who had been picketing 
the river near Smart's mill, a short distance above the Bluff. 
Devens undertook their capture, by attacking with Philbrick's 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff. 259 

company in front, and sending- his other companies around their 
flanks. The net was spread in vain in sight of such a bird as Duff. 
Retiring a few hundred yards to a better position, Duff's men 
dropped on their knees for more deliberate aim, and fired a stag- 
gering volley as the enemy approached, which caused Devens to 
reconsider and retire out of range. In that preliminary skirmish 
Duff captured three wounded prisoners and fifteen stands of arms, 
with a loss of three men wounded, while Devens reports one killed, 
nine wounded and three missing. 

Meantime, Devens had been reinforced by one hundred men of 
the Twentieth Massachusetts, under Colonel Lee, and by the other 
companies of his regiment, amounting in all to 753. 

There was an earthwork called "Fort Evans," to the eastward of 
Leesburg, which commanded a wide view of the field of operation, 
where Colonel Evans fixed his headquarters and remained through- 
out the engagement. He knew that crossings had .been effected, 
both at the Bluff and at Edwards' Ferry — the distance between 
them being about four miles — but nothing had as yet occurred to 
indicate clearly the point from which the enemy's advance was to 
be made. He could only conjecture, what we know now with* cer- 
tainty, that Stone's plan was for Baker to break and drive the Con- 
federate left "so that when they are pushed, Gorman (at Edwards' 
Ferry) can come in on their flank." Stone's strategy was good, 
but Baker's tactics very bad. 

Evans had previously ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Jenifer, with 
four companies from the Mississippi regiments and three Virginia 
cavalry companies, under Captains W. B. Ball, W. W. Mead and 
Lieutenant Morehead, in all 320 men, to the support of Captain 
Duff, and to hold the enemy in check until his plan of attack 
should be developed. 

About 11 o'clock Devens again advanced, "but was met in 
strong contention by Jenifer's people for about an hour, when the 
Federals retired." In his report Jenifer speaks in highest praise of 
the Mississippi companies and the Virginia cavalrymen, who 
fought dismounted by their side, because of the fences, ravines and 
thickets in that part of the field. In the charge which dislodged 
the enemy, Jenifer leaped his horse over the fence, ' 'followed by 
Captain Ball, Lieutenants Wooldridge and Weisiger, of the Chester- 
field troop; Baxter, of the Loudoun cavalry, and Messrs. Hendrick 
and Peters, civilians, who volunteered for the fight." Baxter is 

260 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

mentioned as "deserving praise for the gallant manner in which he 
made a charge with ten men on two companies of the enemy's 
infantry. Lieutenant Charles Wildman, who will be heard from 
later on, is complimented, and "Sergeant Strother, of the Madison 
cavalry; Sergeant- Major Baugh, of the Chesterfield troop, and 
Private Toler, of the Loudoun cavalry, rendered good service in 
carrying orders." 

"And now," says Colonel White, "was their best time to recross 
the river, for Hunton, with his Eighth Virginia (except Wampler's 
company, left at the Burnt Bridge to look out for McCall) was com- 
ing at a double quick, with 375 more people in bad temper." 

Then came the tug of the battle. Colonel Baker had now 
arrived with the rest of his brigade, making in all about 1,900 men, 
with two howitzers and one rifle cannon. 

"Colonel Hunton," says Colonel White, "moved forward into the 
heavy timber, .where Colonel Jenifer's fight had left the Federals. 
The battle opened again severely, the Eighth Virginia fighting 
straight ahead, with Jenifer's force covering their left, which gave 
them opportunity for aggressive battle, although but one to three, 
with ho artillery to answer Baker's salutes The firing was rapid 
and the fighting stubborn, the Federals standing up to their work 
well, giving and receiving bloody blows with high courage; but 
notwithstanding their superiority of force, amply sufficient to have 
swept the Confederates from the field at one rushing charge, they 
failed for lack of a proper leader, the result proving that Baker was 
as inferior to Hunton, in skill and promptness on the battle line as 
was Stone or Evans in general conduct of the field of operations." 


Devens, with the Fifteenth Massachusetts, was holding on hard 
along a ridge, at the edge of the woods, which faced an open field 
of about ten acres in area in front of the Bluff, looking towards 
Leesburg. Realizing with the quick eye of a soldier, that this 
ridge was the key of the situation, Hunton assailed Devens' left with 
a vigor that caused him to retire into the open field, where Baker 
was forming his line of battle. Seizing the abandoned ridge, the 
Eighth Regiment poured an incessant and destructive fire into the 
enemy, which killed and disabled their artillerists so rapidly that, 
as Hunton says in his report, "there v. ere only three discharges of 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff] 261 

cannon after the first fire from the Eighth." In rear of the ridge 
the ground sloped down into the woods, affording cover from the 
enemy's fire, and thus enabling Hunton's men to play havoc with 
the foe, with comparatively slight loss to them. 'When Baker 
advanced — as he did several times — our men rallied to the ridge, 
and with steady aim depleted his ranks and drove him back to the 
woods skirting the river. For four hours, with no other aid than 
Jenkins' small command, Hunton had been fighting, repulsing and 
holding at bay Baker's largely superior force. His ammunition 
was nearly gone, and his men suffering excessive fatigue. If they 
had not been of the staunchest type the strain would have been too 
great. Against such heavy odds, with ammunition and men nearly 
exhausted, Hunton had done all that was possible at this time; 
and he sent Lieutenant-Colonel Norborne Berkeley White to 
Evans several times for reinforcements and ammunition, but got no 
response than "Tell Hunton to hold on." 

As Gorman was making no aggressive movement from Edwards' 
Ferry, Evans concluded that he could safely spare a part of the 
force he had been holding at Fort Evans, and when Hunton's 
messengers came again, with a still more urgent message, "Evans, 
evidently mindful of Beauregard's instruction to make 'a desperate 

stand,' said to them, 'Tell Hunton to hold on till every d n man 

falls. I have sent him the Eighteenth, and will send him the 
Seventeenth.' When White joined Hunton, Colonel Burt had 
reached the field, and taken position about two hundred yards to 
the right of and in line with the Eighth Virginia. Therefore, 
Hunton sent word to Burt that the Eighth would charge the enemy 
in front, and asked him to attack with his regiment at the same 
time on the right. Burt waited no longer than was necessary to 
bring a detached company to his line, when the Mississippians 
moved forward in the most gallant style, but as White, who was 
with Burt at the time says, ' We had already heard the battle yell 
of the glorious old Eighth as it dashed forward on the enemy.' ' 

hunton's report 

In his report of this charge Colonel Hunton says: " I gave the 
order to cease firing for a moment, distributed the few cartridges 
remaining so as to give all a round of ammunition, and ordered a 
charge upon the enemy. This charge was made in the most 
gallant and impetuous manner. Nothing could exceed or scarcely 

262 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

equal the intrepid daring and gallantry displayed by my officers 
and men in making this charge. Relying almost solely upon the 
bayonet, they rushed upon and drove back a heavy column of the 
enemy just landed, and captured the two howitzers. In the charge 
I was assisted by Captain Upshaw, of the Seventeenth, and Captains 
Kearney and Wellborn, of the Eighteenth Mississippi Regiment, 
who displayed great gallantry in the charge." 

As Burt's Mississippians pressed forward, they were met by a 
deadly volley, at close range, from the enemy concealed behind a 
ridge of eanh thrown up by long-ago plowing; "but no man falt- 
ered except the stricken ones before that fearful fire." White, who 
rode by Burt's side, says it was one of the most deadly fires of 
musketry he saw during the war, and that sometimes in visions, 
even now, he sees "those brave fellows falling like leaves of autumn 
before the northern blast." The daunless Burt fell from his horse 
mortally wounded, and was borne from the field — still cheering his 
men on to victory, in the true spirit of a hero. 

The fall of a commander often causes confusion, sometimes 
demoralization. Not so with these staunch sons of the Sunny South. 
The knightly spirit of the dving Burt was in their hearts, and, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Griffin, their volleys drove the enemy 
from his position into the ravine near the river for shelter. 

And now came up, at a double-quick, Colonel Featherston, with 
the Seventeenth Mississippi, and filled the gap between the Eighth 
Virginia and the Eighteenth Mississippi. 

The battle, which had lasted from dawn until night began to let 
her sable curtains down, was drawing to its close — triumphantly for 
us, disastrously for the foe. Blucher had come to give the " coup 
de grace." 

Hunto.n's charge having driven the enemy across the open field 
to the woods directly in front of the Bluff, at which point Colonel 
Baker, the Federal commander, was killed (pierced with four balls, 
no one knowing really who did it, although there was much 
romancing at the time), and there being indications, unmistakable 
to the eye of a soldier, that the Federals were in disorder, and fast 
losing their cohesion; we give, in White's own vivid words, the 
last act of the drama: 

"Colonel Hunton halted his men, who were completely broken 
down — nature and ammunition both exhausted — and rode over to 
Colonel Featherston, saying: 'Colonel, charge the enemy on the 

Men of Virginia at BaWs Bluff, 263 

Bluff.' Featherston replied, 'I do not know tiie ground;' and 
Hunton exclaimed, 'Come on, I will lead you;' but Featherston 
curtly said: 'No, sir; I will lead my own men, but want a guide 
who knows the ground; when Hunton turned to me and said, 
'Lige, my boy, won't you go with them.' I was thoroughly 
acquainted with the country, having fox-hunted over it many times, 
and now, at sunset of a busy day, I rode up to the front, shouting, 
'Follow me; I'll show you the way.' The two regiments moved 
promptly a short distance, when they were met with a galling fire, 
to which they heartily responded, and in a rushing charge drove 
the enemy headlong over the steep, rugged bluff, capturing three 
hundred prisoners, among them Colonel Cogswell of the Tammany 
Regiment, but now acting brigadier-general in place of the gallant 
Baker, and Colonel W. R. Lee, 20th Massachusetts, together with 
the rifle cannon." 


A remarkable incident, attended with serious loss to the enemy, 
occurred just before Featherston' s final charge, which must not be 
omitted. After Baker was killed, Cogswell says, in his report, 
that he went to the point occupied by Colonels Devens and Lee 
and found that the}'' had decided on making a retreat — that he in- 
formed them he was in command of the field — that a retreat across 
the river was impossible, and the only movement to be made was 
to cut their way through to Edward's Ferry — and that a column of 
attack must be at once formed for that purpose. While endeavor- 
ing to make the necessary dispositions for this desperate attempt, 
we learn, from the reports of both Stone and Devens that an officer 
of the enemy rode rapidly in front of the Tammany Regiment and 
called on them to charge the enemy. The Tammany men, think- 
ing he was one of their own officers, or perhaps, rattled by the 
excitement and confusion (which no one can appreciate who has 
not been in a hot battle), charged forward with a yell, carrying 
with them in their advance a part of the Massachusetts Regiments. 
The Confederates met this charge with a deadly fire, which killed 
and wounded at least twenty-five of the Federals; and Stone, in his 
report, says when they found out their mistake they had got 
into such a position that the movement designed was impracticable, 
and Colonel Cogswell reluctantly gave the order to retire, adding 
that "the. enemy pursued our troops to the edge of the bluff over 

264 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the landing- place and thence poured in a heavy fire on our men, 
who were endeavoring to cross to the island. The smaller boats 
had disappeared and the largest boat, rapidly and too heavily 
loaded, swamped fifteen feet from the shore, and nothing was left 
to our soldiers but to swim, surrender or die." The "officer cf the 
enemy," referred to by General Stone and Colonel Devens, was 
Lieutenant Charles B. Wildman, of Loudoun, serving upon General 
Evans' stafT, who came riding rapidly to the field, and mistaking 
the Federals for his own men, gave the order to charge. Wildman, 
fortunately, escaped from his perilous predicament, but the men he 
was leading suffered terribly. 

The story of the battle would be incomplete if the essential role 
of Colonel Barksdale and his Thirteenth Mississippi Regiment 
were omitted. Remembering that - Gorman's Brigade was at 
Edward's Ferry, numbering, according to official reports, 2,250 
strong, and that Stone's plan was to strike the Confederate flank 
with this force when Baker pushed them from the Bluff, the impor- 
tance of this role can be appreciated. Whenever Gorman's skir- 
mishers advanced they were met in fierce contest and promptly 
driven back, and he was thus kept "bottled up" until Baker's force 
had been routed and captured. 

The statement in Barksdale's report that he was satisfied "that 
the presence of my command in position at Edwards' Ferry pre- 
vented the advance of a large column of the enemy, which was in- 
tended to reinforce General Baker's command near Conrad's 
Ferry, then engaged in battle with our forces," is ample testimony 
to the great value of the service here rendered, and also to the 
modesty and valor of this noble Mississipian, whose fearless fighters, 
it will be remembered, at a later period in the war, by their tena- 
cious contention upon the river banks at Fredericksburg, checked 
Burnside's advance until Lee was prepared to welcome and over- 
whelm him. 


Major Robert Stiles, who was with the Howitzers, near Fort 
Evans, says in his "Four Years Under Marse Robert :" "We felt 
peculiarly chagrined at not being able to fire even so much as one 
shot while the battle roared in the thicket." And again : "We 
changed position several times during the action, in the vain hope 
of finding a point from which we might fire upon the enemy with- 
out imperilling our own men." 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff. 265 

Evans was by no means certain that Hunton could hold Baker in 
check. The chances he thought quite desperate, and cautioned 
the Howitzers to be very careful "not to fire on Hunton's men, 
who would be the first running out of the woods;" but Hunton not 
only held on heroically, but drove the enemy, and the Howitzers, 
therefore, had no chance to test their metal. Their presence upon 
the field, however, had its effect, for General Stone, in his report, 
speaks of "breastworks and a hidden battery, which barred the 
movement of troops from left to right." 


In the narrative histories and descriptions of battles required by 
the act creating the office of Secretary of Virginia Military Records, 
it will be my constant aim, while bringing out in as clear relief as 
possible the achievements and exploits of our own soldiers, to 
pluck no laurels from the soldiers of our sister Southern States. 
Unfounded or grossly exaggerated claims discredit their authors 
and the merit of actions otherwise praiseworthy. Besides, there is 
a vitality about the truth very dangerous to tamper with. 

General Hunton has been known throughout Virginia as the 
"Hero of Ball's Bluff" ever since the battle, and we have never 
heard his title to that honor questioned. It is based upon con- 
siderations which involve no disparagement of the other distin- 
guished participants. Colonel Evans, the commander of the whole 
field, remained at Fort Evans, two and a half miles from Edward's 
Ferry and one and a half miles from Ball's Bluff, during the whole 
day, watching both points, and directing the general operations. 

In detaching two-thirds of his command from Gorman's front to 
reinforce Hunton at the critical juncture he evinced strategic skill 
and generalship of a high order and added to the fame he had won 
at First Manassas. 

Colonel Burt, as we have seen, fell mortally wounded while lead- 
ing a brilliant and successful charge in the face of deadly volleys 
from the enemy's left wing, in strong position, in conjunction with 
'unton's splendid dash against their centre, and no one will 
question Captain McNealy's tribute to his fame as a hero "by the 
title of life-sacrifice." 

Colonel Featherston, whose crowning and conclusive charge 
;wept the enemy from the woods, over the bluffs, and compelled 
lis surrender, associated his fame forever with this memorable 

266 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

No Virginian will question Major Robert Stiles' opinion that 
"this Mississippi brigade was in many respects the finest body of 
men he ever saw." 

Colonel Hunton, of the Eighth Virginia, however, was the chief 
contributing factor in the conduct of the actual battle and the 
winning of the victory. As next in rank to Evans, as White tells 
us, "Hunton was in command of the field from the moment oi 
his arrival, at about 12 M., and so, as I know, ordered all the dis- 
positions and movements of troops engaged in the battle." With 
no other aid than Jenkin's small command of 320 (his own regiment 
numbering less than four hundred), he first drove the enemy's 
largely superior force back to their position near the bluffs, and by 
promptly seizing and heroically holding for four hours at least the 
ridge, which was the key of the situation, he was enabled to 
repulse Baker's charges and compel his adversary to fight under 
every disadvantage. The disabling and subsequent capture of the 
enemy's howitzer's was an important turning point in our favor, 
and his last shots and bayonet charge broke the enemy's formations 
and left them in such disordered state that the final charge of the 
Mississipians was conclusive and triumphant. 

The gallant Bee was "a hero by life-sacrifice" at First Manassas, 
but the world accords to Jackson, whom Bee that day christent d 
"Stonewall," the honor of having done the work which contributed 
chiefly to that great victory. 

The Eighth Virginia Infantry has a brilliant record, and its roster 
bears the names of soldiers equal to any ' 'that ever followed the eagles 
to conquest."' As Judge Keith said, in presenting the portrait of its 
first Colonel to Lee Camp: " Did not Hunton lead it at Manassas 
and at Ball's Bluff, and win for it and for himself imperishable glory 
on those famous fields, not only as a brave soldier, but as a ready, 
capable and resourceful officer? Was he not with them at Cold 
Harbor, and upon a hundred other fields of less renown, but which 
were attended by feats of arms and gallant deeds more than enough 
to adorn the annals of our modern wars? Was he not at the charge 
at Gettysburg ? Was human courage and fortitude ever put to a 
sterner test ? Did human virtue ever more nobly respond to the 
call of duty? * * * * For gallant conduct on that fatal day, 
Colonel Hunton, who had been sorely wounded, was made a 
brigadier-general. ' ' 

Its field officers, at different periods, were: Eppa Hunton, 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff'. 267 

Colonel; Charles B. Tebbs, Lieutenant-Colonel; Edmund Berkeley, 
Major, Lieutenant-Colonel; Norbourne Berkeley, Major, Lieutenant- 
Colonel; William A. Berkeley, Major; James Thrift, Major. Its 
Captains were: Edmund Berkeley, of Prince William; Richard 
Henry Carter and R. Taylor Scott, of Fauquier; James Thrift, of 
Fairfax; and Henry Heaton, Alexander Grayson, William N. 
Berkeley, M. Wample, Hampton; and Simpson, of Loudoun. 

The other company officers and privates will have a proud place 
in the Virginia Roster, now being compiled for publication. 

Only about three hundred of the Federals surrendered to Colonel 
Feafherston, but many others were huddled along the river bank 
and in the woods, hoping to escape later in the night. Exhausted 
after thirteen hours' of marching and fighting, the Mississippians and 
Virginians retired to the vicinity of Fort Evans for rest and rations, 
except a detail of seventeen men of the Eighth Virginia, under 
Lieutenant Charles Berkeley, with whom White was ordered by 
Colonel Hunton, to remain, to picket the battle ground. It was a 
solemn vigil, relieved only by a bountiful supper, which the keenly 
solicitous and patriotic ladies of Leesburg contrived to get to them. 
Whether it was the inspiration and refreshment supplied by the 
viands, or the thought of the bright eyes and fair hands of the ladies 
who sent them, we are not told, but the suggestion was made that 
they go to the river bank, for although the battle had rolled to the 
very edge of the bluff, none of our men had yet been quite there. 
Reaching the bank, they could hear, a few hundred yards away, 
the frantic cries for help from despairing, drowning Federals, and 
the sound of an occasional boat coming from Harrison's Island, to 
their rescue. 

Their first impulse— prompted by the savage spirit of the day's 
hard fight — was to open fire and drive off the rescuers, but that 
"touch of nature which makes the whole world kin" and abides in 
knightly breasts, even amid scenes of blood and carnage, restrained 
their hands. 

Let this be remembered, because the newspapers throughout the 
North, at the time of the battle, and Northern school histories, 
since, have sought to create the impression that the conduct of the 
Confederates, after the defeat and rout of the Federals at Ball's 
Bluff, was not in accord with the usages of civilized warfare; and 
only a few weeks ago, the Washington correspondent of the Boston 
Transcript, wrote to his paper of the tragedy, "where the Northern 

268 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

men, greatly outnumbered, were driven like sheep over bluffs /50 
feet high, in a struggling mass down upon the shore or into the 
waters of the Potomac." 

How strange it is, at this late day — forty-five years after the 
battle — and in view of the indisputable proof furnished by the offi- 
cial record, that Baker's force was more than double that of 
Hunton's, and that not until late in the day, after the Eighteenth 
and Seventeenth Mississippi regiments came upon the field, was 
there an approximate equality of numbers — that such careless and 
glaring mistakes should be published. The contemporary exagger- 
ations are pardonable — for the Confederates had a marvelous way 
of magnifying and multiplying themselves in battle and there were 
also Falstaffs in those days, in whose affrighted vision hundreds of 
" men in buckram " appeared, whose names were not on the rolls; 
but now — when sectional passions have subsided and the truth is so 
easily accessible — there is no excuse for such misstatements. 


Asking pardon for this brief digression, we return to the picket 
by the river, where Lieutenant Berkeley and White were holding a 
council. It was agreed that White should go forward alone to 
reconnoitre, while Berkeley held his men ready for any emergency. 
Moving cautiously along the bank — it being so dark that he could 
not be recognized — White approached the landing where the 
Federals (estimated at over 1,000) were waiting for deliverance. 
Returning with this report, it was proposed to try and capture 
them, but a gallant fellow, afterwards killed at Gettysburg, said the 
scheme was too utterly rash for consideration, and it was decided 
that White should ride to Hunton's headquarters, explain the 
situation, and ask for the regiment. Colonel Hunton — who had 
been prostrated for several weeks by a painful malady, but thinking 
a battle was imminent, and unwilling that his men should go into it 
without him, had left his sick bed against the protest of his physician 
and the entreaties of his family — was so completely worn out at the 
close of the battle as to make it necessary for him to retire to 
Leesburg for medical attention, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Tebbs 
in command. Tebbs would not assume the responsibility of order- 
ing the regiment on the expedition, but said that any who chose to 
volunteer for it might do so. 

Men of Virginia at Bait's Bluff. 269 

Thereupon Captains Edmund and Wm. N. Berkeley; Lieutenants 
R. H. Tyler, L. B. Stephenson and Robert Cue; Sergeants. F. 

Wilson, I. O. Adams and Gochenaner; Corporals B. Hunt, 

W. Fletcher, R. Hutchinson, Wm. Thomas; Privates A. S. Adams, 
J. W T . Adams, F. A. Boyer, I. L. Chinn, G. Crell, R S. Downs, 
W. Donnelly, G. Insor, C. R. Griffin, John George, D. L. Hixon, 
T. W. Hutchinson, I. F. Ish, R. I. Smith, W. C. Thomas, J. W. 
Tavenner, I. M. McVeigh, L. W. Luckett, M. H. Luckett, A. M. 
O'Bannon, Rev. Charles F. Linthicum, R. O. Carter, Geo. Roach, 
E. Nails, Howard Trussell, D. Rouke, T. E. Tavenner, P. Goch- 
enaner, F. Tinsman, T. H. Benton, T. Kidwell, C. Fox, V. R. 
Costello, Will Moore, J. Ellis, Wm. McCarty, J. M. McClannehan, 
E. Herrington, R. Julian and C. D. Lucket — in all, fifty-two — came 
forward promptly, saying to White: "We will follow you." 


I should like to give in extenso Colonel White's stirring account 
of the incidents of that dark and eventful night — of his own hair- 
breadth 'scapes, and how, because he knew the ground, and was, 
moreover, full of resource and initiative, he was made the leader, and 
brevetted for the nonce "General" of the expedition — of his good 
tactics in placing Berkeley and his squad on the Bluff, until the flank- 
ing party under his guidance, moved up along the bank of the river, 
under the Bluff, to the point of co-operation, where the surrender 
was to be demanded, or, in case of refusal, the enemy was to be 
fired on — how he called for a surrender, and receiving no reply 
ordered "Fire," which caused a stampede, "a large number of them 
jumping into the river, while some ran along the shore above" — and 
how, immediately after the firing., a gallant Irish captain, named 
O'Meara, who had swam the river to get some means to save his 
men, and failing, had swum back to share their fate, recognizing 
the inevitable, had called out: "We surrender; who is in command?" 
whereupon Captain W. N. Berkeley, replied: "General White" — 
how the "general" offered "the terms of war, " which were satis- 
factory, and how the gallant Irish captain gathered the Federals 
together from the river and the woods and " marched them up the 
bluff to the plateau, where he formed them in line and handed over 
to our charge 325 prisoners, with many arms, ammunition," etc., 
but we cannot tax your space farther than to give this imperfect 

270 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

sketch, with the names of the volunteers of the Eighth Virginia, 
who participated in this hazardous and gallant enterprise. 


The Federal forces, under Baker, in the battle — not counting 
Gorman's 2,250 at Edwards' Ferry — comprised the Fifteenth 
Massachusetts, 600; the Twentieth Massachusetts, 340; the Forty- 
second New York (Tammany), 360; the First California (Baker's 
own), 600. To these must be added the men attached to the two 
howitzers , of the First Rhode Island Battery, and the rifle cannon 
of the First United States Artillery, about 60 more, making in all, 
1,960. The Federal losses, as officially reported, were 49 killed, 
158 wounded and 714 missing — 912. The number drowned were 
never reported. 


A complete vindication of the conduct of the Confederate officers 
(who had repeatedly called upon the routed Federals fo surrender, 
in order to prevent unnecessary bloodshed) at the landing and in 
the river is to be found in this extract from the report of Colonel 
Devens, of the Fifteenth Massachusetts: "It was impossible," 
said he, "longer to continue to resist, and I should have had no 
doubt, if we had been contending with the troops of a foreign 
nation, injustice to the lives of men, it would have been our duty 
to surrender; but it was impossible to do this to rebels and traitors, 
and I had no hesitation in advising men to escape as they could, 
ordering them in all cases to throw their arms into the river rather 
than give them up to the enemy." 


There have been many attempted explanations of this memorable 
Federal disaster, at the time and since it occurred. General 
McClellan sought to allay the popular wrath and clamor which it 
caused throughout the North by a general order, in which he said: 
"The gallantry and discipline there displayed deserved a more 
fortunate result; but situated as these troops were — cut offal ike from 
retreat and reinforcements, and attacked by an overwhelming 
force, 5,000 against 1,700 — it was not possible that the issue could 
have been successful." 

A secret service agent named Buxton, who seems to have been 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff. 271 

paid to furnish false information, says in one of his reports: "Poor 
Baker must have been very rash to rush with his small force into 
the jaws of 7,000 men." 

Our own people have always known, and it is beginning to be 
admitted among- fair-minded people everywhere, that the true 
explanation of the Ball's Bluff disaster, and other brilliant triumphs 
of Southern arms over largely superior Federal forces, is to be 
found in the superb prowess of our Southern soldiers and the 
superior skill of our generals. Generals Johnston and Beauregard 
availed themselves in congratulatory general orders "to express 
the confident hope that all of his command, officers and men, by 
the brilliant achievements of their comrades in arms of the Seventh 
Brigade, on the 2rst instant, will be assured of our ability to cope 
successfully with the foe arrayed against us, in whatsoever force he 
may offer battle. * * * After the success of the Seventh Brigade 
in the conflict of the 21st of October, no odds must discourage or 
make you doubtful of victory." 

Colonel Edwin D. Baker at that time was, perhaps, the most 
spectacular personage in the land. Like Yancey in the South, he 
was the most inflammatory orator in the North and the special pet 
of the extreme abolition wing of the Republican party, which had 
brought on the war. He had been a member of the House from 
Illinois and California, and was then a Senator from Oregon. It is 
said that he appeared in the Senate in his uniform, and when Vice- 
President Breckinridge had finished his masterly farewell address 
to that body, seized the occasion to deliver a harangue of great 
virulence. He had, withal, the courage of his fanatical convictions 
and thirsted for military glory. Never, perhaps, has the Scripture 
saying that pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit 
before a fall, been more aptly illustrated than in his case. His fall 
in front of his skirmish line at Ball's Bluff shocked Washington as 
Caesar's fall at the foot of Pompey's statue shocked Rome. His 
body was taken to the White House, where it lay in state for 
several days, and the Senate ordered from Rome a statue of heroic 
size, which is to be seen today in Statuary Hall. 

It is now scarcely possible to realize the frenzied state into which 
the popular mind of the North was thrown by this man's death and 
defeat. Reason completely lost its sway, and every vestige of 
conservatism and respect for the Constitution and the guaranteed 
rights of persons were swept away in the storm. Extreme men 

272 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

like Wade, Zach Chandler and Sumner, and monsters like Thacl. 
Stevens and Stanton, seized the opportunity to throw aside all 
semblance of respect for law and inaugurate a despotism of capri- 
cious and unbridled power — a veritable " reign of terror." " The 
fortresses of the North were stuffed full of men and women, dragged 
from their homes at midnight or at midday, without warrant or 
authority or even form of law. " 

One result of Ball's BlufT, or rather of the blind rage generated 
by it, was the appointment of "The Joint Congressional Committee 
on the Conduct of the War," a standing menace to all generals, 
who would not disgrace the profession of arms by sacrificing their 
convictions of duty to senseless clamor — which tried and degraded 
officers upon testimony that would not have been accepted by 
Dogberry. A victim and scapegoat was needed to appease the 
popular wrath, and, at the instance of this committee, General Stone 
became the vicarious sacrifice for Baker's blunders. He was 
arrested by order of Stanton about two o'clock one morning in 
Washington, by a posse of the provost marshal's force, and sent to 
Fort Lafayette, and kept in close confinement for six months, with 
no more knowledge of the charges against him than if he had been 
a prisoner in the Tower or Bastile. 


No one, who studies the battle of Ball's BlufT, can fail to fix the 
responsibility for the Federal disaster upon Colonel Baker. He was 
an orator, not a general; could command "the applause of listening- 
Senates," but not soldiers upon the field of battle. 

"The plain truth is," said General Stone, in his report, "that 
this brave and impetuous officer was determined at all hazards to 
bring on an action, and used the discretion allowed him to do it." 

Without reconnoitering or organizing the boat service, which was 
ample for orderly crossing, he pushed forward into the fight in 
total disregard of Stone's precautionary orders. Like Tarletori at 
Cowpens, who was in such hot haste to attack Morgan, he violated 
one of the fundamental rules of battles by placing his reserves very 
near his front line and within range of Hunton's muskets, and thereby 
rendered them useless. There was a time, too, when by a bold 
rush with all his force he could probably have forced Hunton's 
small command from the wooded ridge, which commanded the field 

Men of Virginia at Ball's Bluff. 273 

of battle. This would have enabled him, at least, to retreat in good 
order. He disregarded Stone's order to report frequently, and 
left the latter unaware of the perilous position of his troops, and 
thus unable to render assistance. He had conspicuous personal 
bravery, but in all other qualities of a commander, as shown by this 
battle, he was totally lacking. General McClellan and the leading 
officer's of Baker's brigade, including those wounded and captured, 
cast no reproach on Stone, but their voices were drowned in the 
prevailing fury. In " McClellan's Own Story," he writes that 
Stone 'was a most charming and amiable gentleman, honest, brave, 
a good soldier, though occasionally carried away by his chivalrous 
ideas. He was very unfortunate, and was, as far as possible from 
meriting the sad fate and cruel treatment he met with." 

The same black spirit, which made Stone its victim, later on led 
to the downfall of McClellan and the displacement of many others 
of that gallant band of Federal officers supporting him, who had 
impressed a generous and chivalric spirit on the war, which caused 
the remark in General Dick Taylor's "Destruction and Recon- 
struction," that the future historian, in recounting some later 
operations, will doubt if he is dealing with campaigns of generals 
or expeditions of brigands." Napoleon, when General Mack 
capitulated at Ulm, recalling his own chagrin when compelled by 
Sir Sidney Smith to raise the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, remarked: 
"How much to be pitied is a general on the day after a lost battle." 
The pity that was felt in all manly breasts for this brave soldier in 
misfortune has been changed to respect for his memory and con- 
tempt for that of his persecutors. 

There were notable men in that famous battle from Massachusetts, 
Mississippi and Virginia. Colonel Devens was afterwards brevetted 
Major General, and was Attorney- General under the .Hayes 
administration; Colonel Lee was brevetted Brigadier, and was 
Attorney-General of his State; Lieutenant Oliver Wendell Holmes, 
of the Twentieth Massachusetts, who "was shot through chest from 
side to side, is now a Justice of the Supreme Court, and has deliv- 
ered some good State Right's decisions; Captain Wm Francis Bart- 
lett, also of the Twentieth, became a General and lived for a time 
in Richmond, where he was much respected. Major Paul Revere, 
Colonel Ward and others also attained distinction. Mississippi sent 
Barksdale and Featherston to the House of Representatives and 

274 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

made Captain A. G. Brown, of the Eighteenth, first Governor and 
then United States Senator. 

The gallant Captain Ball, of the Chesterfield Troop, became 
Colonel of the Fifteenth Virginia Cavalry, and achieved distinction 
as an officer, and Lieutenant Wooldridge, of the same troop, 
became Colonel of the Fourth Cavalry, and proved a worthy 
successor of Wickham, Randolph and Payne, one of the most 
distinguished cavalry commands in our service, of which uur friend 
Judge Keith, was the adjutant, and there were many others whose 
names we do not now recall. 

And the grand old hero of the battle, General Eppa Hunton, 
having served his people with marked ability and most faithfully, 
in the highest offices within their gift, still lives, we rejoice to say, 
crowned with honors, blessed in fortune and family, and with troops 
of loving friends. 

Colonel William Todd Robins. 275 

From the Times-Dispatch, June 9, 1906. 


A Confederate Hero. 

December n, 1906. 
Editor of the Times- Dispatch : 

Sir: — You will find accompanying- this note a brief sketch of 
the life and services of Colonel William Todd Robins, which the 
Magruder Camp of Confederate Veterans requested me to enclose 
you for publication in the Confederate column. 

Very truly yours, 

Maryus Jones. 


The ranks of the veterans of the great war between the States 
are thinning' with fearful rapidity. The Confederate veterans have 
illustrated, no less in the peaceful avocations of life than on the 
battlefield, that heroism which astonished the world. When the 
end came and all hope seemed crushed, they returned to their des- 
olated homes, and by patient industry built up the waste places. 
They had no government to pension them. The same men who, 
amid screaming shells and hissing bullets, had carried the banner 
of constitutional freedom to so many victories, went to the peace- 
ful pursuits of life with such indomitable patience and quiet 
industry, that ere a generation had passed their beloved Southland 
began to bloom and blossom like the rose. As we contemplate 
the heroic lives and the honored graves of such men we can say — 

"On fame's eternal camping ground 
Their silent tents are spread, 
And Glory guards with solemn round 
The bivouac of the dead." 

Among these heroic men, William Todd Robins bore no incon- 
spicuous part. Born at the home of his maternal grandfather in 
the county of King and Queen, on the 22d day of November, 1835, 
he was in his twenty-sixth year when the War between the States 

276 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

began. His father was Agustine Warner Robins, of Gloucester 
county, Va. He was a lineal decendant of John Robins, who came 
to Virginia in 1622. This John Robins was a member of the 
House of Burgesses in 1646. In 1642 there had been patented to 
him 3.000 acres cf land in Gloucester county. The peninsula 
between the Ware and Severn Rivers is still known as "Robins' 
Neck." Agustine Warner Robins at one time represented 
Gloucester in the Legislature. The mother of the subject of this 
sketch was from King and Queen county, and died at his birth. 
He was reared at the old Robins homestead, "Level Green," in 
Gloucester, by his grandfather, William Robins. 

When tbe first tocsin of war sounded in 1861, William Todd 
Robins enlisted as a private soldier in the Lee Rangers — a cavalry 
company recruited by W. H. F. Lee, who was its first captain. 
The company was attached to the Ninth Regiment of the Vir- 
ginia Cavalry, of which Captain Lee became the Colonel. In 
January, 1862, William Todd Robins was made sergeant-major of 
the regiment. In April, 1862, he became its adjutant, with the 
rank of first lieutenant. In October, 1862, he was made assistant 
adjutant-general and chief of staff of Brigadier-General W. H. F. 
Lee, with the rank of captain. In August, 1863, he was made the 
commander of the Forty-eighth Battalion of Virginia Cavalry, 
with the rank of lieutenant colonel, and in January. 1864, he was 
made the colonel of the Twenty fourth Regiment of Virginia 
Cavalry. Colonel Robins had eight horses shot under him i n 
battle, and was wounded three times. He was riding' by the side 
of Captain Latane when he (Latane) was killed 

In his report of the celebrated ride around McClellan's army, 
Colonel Lee says: "I should like to call your attention to the con- 
duct of my adjutant, Lieutenant W. T. Robins, who conducted in 
a very handsome manner the advance of my regiment when it was 
in front, and the rear when it was in the rear. He was also in both 
of the charges." General Stuart, in his report, says: "The regi- 
ment in front was the Ninth Virginia Cavalry (^Colonel VV. H. F. 
Lee), whose advance guard, entrusted to the command of the 
adjutant (Lieutenant Robins) did admirable service. Lieutenant 
Robins handled it in the most skilful manner, managing to clear 
the way for the march with little delay, and infusing by a sudden 
dash at a picket such wholesome terror that it never paused to take 


Colonel William Todd Robins. 277 

second look. On, on, dashed Robins — here skirting a field, 
there leaping a fence or ditch and clearing the woods beyond. 
First-Lieutenant W. T. Robins, adjutant of the Ninth Virginia 
Cavalry, would be a valuable addition to the regular army." 

In the famous charge at Samaria Church, on the 24th of June, 
1864, Colonel Robins was wounded. It was there that, with eight 
companies from the Twenty-fourth Regiment, dismounted from 
their horses, he led a charge on the enemy, heavily entrenched in 
a pine woods. The entrenchments were scaled and the enemy 
driven out. A captain in the Federal prmy told the writer that a 
division of men were behind those entrenchments. If Colonel 
Robins' modesty had not equaled his valor, that charge would 
have immortalized him. He took it merely as a matter of course. 
The writer served with Colonel Robins, and can testify of his own 
knowledge of his gallantry and devotion. 

He was twice married, first to Miss Martha Smith, of Gloucester, 
a niece of Mr. Alexander Seddon, and second, to Miss Sally Berke- 
ley Nelson, also of Gloucester. 

About twelve years ago Colonel Robins moved from Gloucester 
to Richmond, where he died on the 28th day of October, 1906. He 
left a widow and six children. 

His body was carried to Gloucester fo** interment. He had 
requested that there shouM be no display at his funeral, but that 
his coffin should be wrapped in the Confederate flag. His wishes 
were respected. The crowd that met the body at the steamer 
attested the affection his people bore him. Tenderly his comrades 
laid the body of the old hero to rest to await the resurrection 

278 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


Company I, Thirteenth Regiment of Virginia Cavalry. 

The following is a list of the organization of Company I, of the 
Thirteenth Virginia Cavalry, May 14, 1861: 


Patrick H. Lee, captain; J. B. Brewer, first lieutenant; Washing- 
ton Riddick, second lieutenant; W. C. Smith, third lieutenant; 
Alexander Savage, first sergeant, promoted to first lieutenant, 
captain and colonel of regiment; Thomas I. Kilby, second sergeant; 
Charles Rawles, third sergeant; Timothy E. Langstun, fourth 
sergeant; J. E. Rawles, first corporal; Robert C. Daughtrey, 
second corporal; Charles B. Milteer, third corporal. 


B. A. Armistead, promoted to first sergeant; Nathaniel Babb, 
Samuel Brittain, Calvin Brittain, George W. Brittain, R. H. Brink - 
ley, promoted to corporal; J. E. Bembery, W. T. Bacus, J. W. 
Clarke, E. T. Cross, Charles T. Cross, F. M. Capps, John Cart- 
wright, Hugh Collins, E. T. Collins, H. D. Cowper, R. B. Cox, 
James Carr, D. P. Daughtrey, T. G. Daughtrey, Jacob H. Daught- 
rey, J. J. Daughtrey, J. A. Doughtie, Robert Darden, Jethro 
Darden, R. R. Darden, E. H. Darden, E. Dunford, V. Dunford, 
R. L. M. Everett, Charles Everett, I. Edwards, Miles Elliott, 
R. S. Eley, promoted to first lieutenant; H. Eley, Joseph Freeman, 
John L. Fulgham, R. B. Freeman, J. M. Goodwin, Thomas Har- 
rell, J. H. Harrelf, D. C. Harrell, Frank Holland, Joel P. Holland, 
Wash. Holland, F. W. Hunter, W. S. Hunter, J. D. House, 
Dempsey Jones, W. A. Jones, J. E. Kelly, promoted to second 
lieutenant; E. P. Kelly, John Knight, A. U. Kilby, J. H. Keeling, 
J. W. King, Dempsey Langstun, Samuel Leanoeir, E. E. Lee, 
A. T. Lee, T J. Lee, W. J. Lee, G. W. Langstun, John S. Milteer, 
Frank Morris, Dr. J. F. Mitchell, promoted to third lieutenant; 

Roll of Company /, Thirteenth RegL, Va. Cavalry. 279 

Alex. Norfleet, Justin Norfleet, John Oberry, James E. Oberry, 
Jesse Oberry, Paul Palmer, Benjamin Palmer, J. T. Parker, of 
Willis; Charles B. Parker, A. I. Parker, J. T. Parker, of C; James 
A. Phelps, J. B. Porter, W. H. Porter, John Poyner, Frank Pierce, 
Jackson Rawls, Elisha Rawls, of A. ; James Rodgers, William D. 
Rodgers, Asa Rodgers, Robert Riddick, Richard T. Riddick, 
Charles Riddick, Miles E. Riddick, Samuel Sneed, T. P. Savage, 
Samuel Simpson, C. E. Sumner, Dempsey Sumner, C. C. Swett, 
R. R Smith, H. E. Smith, J. C. Savage, J. Newton Smith, pro- 
moted to first sergeant; J. A. Turrentine, N. R. Wilkerson, James 
Woodward, G. W. Whitley, Alpheus Wilson. 

Of the above roll, only the following survive: Captain Patrick 
H. Lee, Colonel Alexander Savage, Corporal R. C. Daughtrey; 
Privates Nathaniel Babb, Charles T. Cross, John Cartwright, Hugh 
and E. T. Collins, D. P., T. G. and Jacob H. Daughtrey, J. A. 
Doughtie, E. H. Darden, H. Eley, G. M. Goodwin, Thomas 
Harrell, Joel P. Holland, J. D. House, W. J. Lee, Wm. F. and 
J. N. Milteer, James E. and Jesse Oberry, Paul and Benjamin 
Palmer, Charles B. and A. I. Parker, J. B. and W. H. Porter, 
Jackson Rawls, B. R. and H, E. Smith, J. A. Turrentine, and 
N. R. Wilkerson. 

280 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times- Dispatch, November 4, 1906. 


One of the Early Battles of the War Fought Under 
Serious Disadvantages. 

Confederates Unprepared — Strange Views of General 
Meridian and His Idea of Uncivilized Warfare. 


At this time and place the very first collision of arms between 
the Northern and Southern forces on Virginia soil occurred. 
Here the first blood on Virginia soil of the four years of the 
great civil war was spilled. The writer has never seen an accu- 
rate and full account of the first meeting of the two armies in 
Virginia, that were afterwards to engage in the death struggle 
of the next four years, and now, after the lapse of more than 
forty-five years, takes upon himself the duty of writing an 
impartial account, of the occurrence of an event that was con- 
sidered a great victory for the North and a greater defeat for 
the South. 

In order to form a correct opinion of the facts related, we 
must, first, locate the town of Philippi, describe and give the 
attendant circumstances of each army, as well as discuss the 
peculiar political conditions that existed in Virginia at that time. 
Under the alarming political conditions of the country, the Hon. 
John Letcher, as Governor of Virginia, by proclamation, con- 
vened the Legislature of Virginia in extraordinary session on 
the 7th day of January, 1861. 

This Legislature, almost immediately on its assembling, passed 
an act calling for a State convention to express the sovereign 
will of the people of Virginia upon their Federal relations. 

By this act the members to the convention were to be elected 
on the 4th day of February, proximo, and to meet in conven- 
tion on the 13th day of the same month, in the city of Richmond. 

Famous Retreat from. Phitippi. 281 

The members were elected, and the convention met at the time 
and place appointed, the whole number of the members being 
one hundred and fifty-two. 


As the list of the names of this convention will show, it was 
a very remarkable body of men, and in every respect worthy of 
the trust that the people of Virginia had confided in them. 

The political sentiments of the Virginia Convention of 1861, 
on its assembling, were strongly Union, and this was the true 
reflection of the feelings of the people of Virginia at that time ; 
but events were occurring outside of the State of Virginia, 
over which the Virginia people had no control, that were cal- 
culated to destroy the peace of the country. 

By this last remark special reference is made to the increased 
manufacture of arms and munitions of war by the Northern 
States, and the threatening attitude of the National Government 
towards the seceded States. 

Abraham Lincoln had been elected President of the United 
States in the fall of i860, and on the 4th of March, 1861, was 
inducted into office. His inaugural address on this occasion 
greatly excited the Virginia people, and the convention appointed 
three eminent men to confer with Mr. Lincoln at Washington in 
regard to his intentions towards the seceded States. 

To this commission no satisfactory reply had been made, when 
events that were occurring at Fort Sumter, S. C, engrossed the 
public attention. 

On the 1 2th day of April, 1861, the garrison at Fort Sumter 
surrendered to General Beauregard, commanding the Confederate 

Lincoln's proclamation. # 

Three days after this event — viz., on the 15th day of April — 
Mr. Lincoln issued his first warlike proclamation, calling upon 
all of the States that had not seceded to furnish 75,000 troops 
to coerce the seceded States. 

Under this proclamation Virginia was to furnish three regi- 
ments of the 75.000 men. 

282 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

The answer to this call for troops to coerce the Southern 
States, on the part of Virginia, through her assembled conven- 
tion, was given two days afterwards, on the 17th day of April, 
by the passage of the "ordinance of secession." 

The vote in convention stood 88 "for" and 55 "against" seces- 

The convention, after the passage of the ordinance of seces- 
sion, adopted a resolution agreeing to submit the ordinance to 
the popular vote of the State on the fourth Thursday of May 
following, and after conditionally adopting the Provisional Con- 
stitution of the seceded States, which condition depended upon 
the "ratification" or "rejection" of the secession ordinance, ad- 
journed to meet on the 1st day of June, proximo. 

Two days after the passage of this ordinance Mr. Lincoln 
issued his second war proclamation, the tenor of which was an 
open declaration of war against the seceded States, a blockade 
of the seaports of these States, and declaring any act on the 
part of these States on the high seas to be piracy. 

Such was the status of political affairs in Virginia in April, 

Prior to this time the conservative leaders of the State of 
thought and action had earnestly hoped and, nay, even fervently 
prayed that all national troubles might be amicably settled. 

So thoroughly were people of Virginia of this opinion that 
practically no preparations for war had been made, and when 
the events that have just been narrated occurred in such rapid 
succession, and "the pen naturally yielded to the sword," and the 
whole country was precipitated into war, the State of Virginia 
was totally unprepared for war, and many a volunteer com- 
pany, when the first call was made by the Governor, started to 
the border of the State without a single gun. 

And while this was literally true of Virginia, it was not the 
case with the Northern or Western States. Even after the John 
Brown raid on Harper's Ferry there had been an increased 
manufacture of arms and munitions of war in these States, and 
when the spring of 1861 dawned the Northern people were 
ready for the war. Their time, as the record now shows, was 
not taken up in discussing "peace resolutions" or "peace meas- 
ures," but. with dogged persistence, had been preparing for 

Famous Retreat from Philippi. 283 

war. In support of this last statement of facts the writer offers 
as evidence the correspondence between Gen. George B. Mc- 
Clellan, as commander-in-chief of Ohio volunteers, with his head- 
quarters at Cincinnati, and Gen. Winfield Scott, as commander- 
in-chief of the Federal army, with his headquarters at Wash- 
ington City. (See "War of Rebellion," Vol. LI., Series I., 
Part I., Supplement). 

mcclellan's plans. 

On the 23d day of April, 1861, from Columbus, Ohio (see 
P a £ e 333 of above history), General McClellan writes General 
Scott a long letter, informing General Scott that he (McClellan) 
had been appointed by the Governor of Ohio as commander-in- 
chief of Ohio volunteers, and as such commanding the Ohio 

This correspondence is kept up at a brisk rate until the 29th 
day of May, the greater part of which is from General McClel- 
lan. During these thirty-six days General McClellan discloses 
all of his war plans on the border States of Virginia, Kentucky 
and Tennessee. 

McClellan intimates to General Scott that he wanted to con- 
trol all the territory from Cumberland, Md., to Memphis, Tenn. 
His plans were of an immediate invasion. General Scott op- 
posed this, thinking that the best way to coerce the States was 
to take the Ohio and Mississippi rivers by a system of gunboats, 
and blockade the seaports of all the Southern States effectually, 
and not invade at that time the Southern States and thereby 
"evade the useless effusion of blood," as he puts it. So much 
to the credit of General Scott. 

In the correspondence referred to General McClellan mani- 
fests how anxious he was personally to invade Virginia and the 
means he was then using to discover the political feelings of the 
border Southern States. 

In this correspondence General McClellan has written the 
story of his own life and no biographer at this day can alter or 
change what General McClellan has fixed. He questions the 
propriety of the use of some of the means he was using to ascer- 
tain the domestic relations of the Southern States, and in one of 
these letters (see page 384) he uses the following language in 

284 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

description of the political condition of the counties of Western 
Tennessee : 

"I am told that there is much excitement among the negroes 
there, who, in their private talks, have gone so far as to select 
their white wives." 

And still, General McClellan was devoting all his talent and 
energy (as the correspondence shows) to bring about the very 
state of affairs that would enable these poor, deluded negroes to 
accomplish their unrighteous purposes. And since General 
McClellan planned and executed the first formidable invasion of 
Virginia, it is meet to give more than a passing notice to his 

General McClellan was born and reared in the North, and 
was educated at West Point Military Academy. He had seen 
service as a soldier in the Mexican war, and was in the United 
States army in 1861, at which time he was in the prime of 

From his letters to General Scott and the War Department 
he shows a wonderful knowledge of the art of war. He does 
not hesitate at the use of any means that would subserve his 
purpose, and the only standard set up by him was "success.'' 
The record shows that immediately after his appointment as 
major-general he established the large camps just in the rear 
of Cincinnati, and named them Forts Harrison and Dennison, 
and with the help of Governors Dennison of Ohio, Yates of 
Illinois and Morton of Indiana, that he assembled at these two 
forts more than forty full regiments that were thoroughly 
drilled and in every way equipped to take the field by the 27th 
day of May, when the invasion of Virginia from the Ohio 
frontier began; and this vast preparation that had been made 
since the 23d day of April is a clear proof of the wonderful 
power of General McClellan as an organizer of troops. 

These troops were conveyed over the Baltimore and Ohio 
railroad, some from Wheeling, but the greater part from Parkers- 
burg, and at the little town of Philippi, the county seat of Bar- 
bour county, twelve miles south of the Parkersburg branch of 
the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, on the third day of June, 1861, 
is where the van of General McClellan's vast army first struck 
the Provisional forces of Virginia, under Colonel Porterfield. 

Famous Retreat from Phifippi. 


General McClellan (from his letters) knew all about the 
"weak rebel force," as he called the Virginia troops, and of their 
lack of arms and otherwise unfortunate condition he was going 
to take advantage. 


In a letter of May 29th, of general instruction, to General 
T. A. Morris, of the Indiana volunteers, who had command of 
eight full regiments of the van of General McClellan's army, 
General McClellan uses the following language (see page 394) : 
''If traitors fall into your hands, deal summarily with them. 
In aggravated cases bring them before a court martial ; in ordi- 
nary cases either keep them under guard or send them to the 
Columbus penitentiary, as circumstances may render expedient." 
Such was the animus that accompanied this vast army with 
which General McClellan invaded the northwestern part of Vir- 
ginia, and so great and so aggressive was this army of invasion 
that a part of it reached the top of Cheat Mountain, between Ran- 
dolph and Pocahontas counties, a distance of more than ' one 
hundred and fifty miles from Parkersburg, before the Confede- 
rates could bring a sufficient force against it to stop. it. So 
much for the plans and movements of the Federal army. 

And now before locating the town of Philippi and describing 
the Confederate forces, the writer desires to say he has before 
him three diaries that were kept by two enlisted soldiers and one 
by a Presbyterian minister, who accompanied this "Provisional 
Army" as a volunteer chaplain. 

The minister is still living, in the person of the Rev. William 
T. Price, D. D., of the new town of Marlinton, of Pocahontas 
county, W. Va., on the Greenbrier division of the Chesapeake 
& Ohio Railroad. In the spring of 1861 Dr. Price was a young 
preacher, supplying the congregations of McDowell and Wil- 
liamsville Churches, in Highland county, Va., and when Cap- 
tain Felix H. Hull, of that county, with his company of vol- 
unteers, was ordered to Grafton by Governor Letcher Mr. 
Price desired to accompany the soldiers, and at his special re- 
quest the two congregations voted him a leave of absence to go 
to Grafton. 

At this time he was the only preacher to accompany any of 

286 Southern Historical, Society Papers. 

the volunteer companies as a chaplain. Dr. Price kept a faith- 
ful diary, beginning on the 18th day of May, 1861, until about 
the 20th of June, recording every day each day's events. Of 
the two soldiers referred to who kept diaries of the "On to 
Grafton" campaign, one was a Mr. Osborne Wilsero, and the 
other a Mr. Charles Lewis Campbell. Both of these gentle- 
men were members of Captain Hull's company, as both were 
born and reared in Highland county, Va. These gentlemen 
were still living at the last account, one a citizen of his native 
county, in Virginia, and the other a citizen of the State of Cali- 
fornia. The three diaries referred to have been compiled and 
published in booklet form by Dr. Price, for which act alone the 
name of Dr. Price should be held in grateful remembrance by 
Virginia people. 


The writer further desires to say that he has in his possession 
letters that were written at the time of this Philippi disaster by 
intelligent Southern men, detailing all the attendant circum- 
stances, and with all this record of facts, in connection with 
his individual knowledge, which peculiar environments allowed 
him to obtain at the time, he feels amply able to tell the story 
from a Southern standpoint. 

Prior to the passage of the ordinance of secession by the con- 
vention, the Legislature of Virginia passed an act providing for 
the raising of 20,000 troops for the protection of the State 
against armed invasion, and after the adjournment of the con- 
vention Governor Letcher began ordering the volunteer com- 
panies to various points on the border of the State. In North- 
western Virginia the order was for all volunteer companies to 
rendezvous at Grafton, and hence the cry arose among the young 
soldiers, "On to Grafton." The town of Grafton, then, as now. 
was in Taylor county, Va., (now West Virginia), on the Bal- 
timore and Ohio Railroad, and at the junction of what was then 
the Parkersburg branch of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. 

The town of Grafton in 1861 was a new railroad town, and 
owed its existence entirely to the. building of the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad, the main line of which, a distance of 379 miles, 
between the cities of Baltimore and Wheeling, had been com- 

Famous Retreat from Philip pi. 287 

pleted in the year of 1853. The "Parkersburg branch," a dis- 
tance of 101 miles from Grafton to Parkersburg, had been com- 
pleted about two years later. And, in passing, the writer de- 
sires to say that when General McClellan heard that Governor 
Letcher had ordered the State troops to rendezvous at Grafton 
it greatly excited him. 

At that time the people of the State of Ohio looked upon the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad as their own special property, and 
were exceedingly jealous of the exercise of any rights over 
this corporation, and the subsequent events show that the Bal- 
timore and Ohio Railroad was one of the most effectual means 
in the hands of the Lincoln government for the subjugation of 
the Southern States. 


Colonel Geo. A. Porterfield, from the Virginia Military Institute 
was sent by Governor Letcher to take command of all State 
troops at Grafton. On Friday, the 31st day of May, Dr. Price 
makes this entry: "I met Colonel Porterfield, and was invited 
to take tea with him at his quarters, and I found him a very 
intelligent and affable gentleman." * * "Colonel Porterfield 
spoke rather despondently of the unprepared condition of Vir- 
ginia to meet invasion successfully. He regretted very much 
the lack of order, preparation and discipline among the troops 
now at the front, but he hoped all might come right after while." 
On the 30th day of May, Mr. Wilson makes this entry: "Our 
head officer is a tall, slender young man, with red, curly hair, 
no whiskers, dark eyes, and good looking, especially his face. 
He was in company with another officer, whose uniform is a 
blue coat, blue pants, stick cap. His complexion fair, light hair 
and eyes, rather heavy beard." 

Such is the personal description of Colonel Porterfield by two 
of the writers of the diaries at that time. 

From Staunton, Va., to Grafton, over the turnpike roads, it 
is a distance of 143 miles. The first 112 miles is over the 
'Staunton and Parkersburg pike," when you reach Beverley, that 
was the county seat of Randolph county. There you take Phil- 
ippi pike, and you reach Philippi, the county seat of Barbour 
county, at a distance of thirty-one miles, and from Philippi to 

288 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Grafton, over the Fitterman pike it is eighteen miles to Grafton. 
All of these roads were made by the State of Virginia prior 
to the year of 1861, under what was known as the "internal 
improvement system of Virginia," and were broad, well-graded 

The State troops that were included in Governor Letcher's 
order to rendezvous at Grafton were known as the "Provisional 
Army," and this title had been acquired by the fact that Vir- 
ginia, through her convention, had adopted conditionally the 
"Provisional Constitution" of the seceded States. The following 
is a list of the companies and their captains that were ordered 
to Grafton, and were in the Philippi route or retreat: 

One company of cavalry from Greenbrier county, under Capt. 
Robert Moorman. 

Two companies from Pocahontas county — one company of 
cavalry, under Capt. Andrew McNeil, and one company of in- 
fantry, under Capt. Daniel Stofer. 

One company of cavalry from Bath county, under Capt. Arch 

One company of cavalry from Rockbridge county, Capt. John 
Rice McNutt. 

One company of cavalry from Augusta county, under Capt 

Frank Sterrett. 

One company of infantry, under Capt. Felix Hull, from 

Highland county. 

Two companies of infantry from Pendleton county — one under 
Captain Anderson and the other under Captain Moorman. 

Two companies from Barbour county — one under Captain 
Reger and the other under a Captain Strums. 

One company from Upshur county, under Captain Hig- 

And all other volunteer forces as far west as the city of 
Wheeling were required to report at Grafton, but the diaries 
show that probably not more than half of the companies that 
have been enumerated did reach Grafton. The record shows 
that a few hundred of Colonel Porterfield's forces did reach 
Grafton from the 25th to the 28th days of May, when a report 
came from Ohio of this big army of McClellan's coming on the 

Famous Retreat from Philippi 289 

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, when Colonel Porterfield ordered 
retreat to Philippi. This retreat was made in good order. 


Colonel Porterfield remained at Philippi until the 3d morning 
of June, when, just at the break of day, the Federals opened 
on him and his little army with all the artillery that was avail- 
able on this occasion. 

The Confederates were all asleep apparently when the artillery 
began to fire. To oppose McClellan's vast host Colonel Porter- 
field had probably, all told, twelve hundred men, that were 
poorly armed and equipped for service. 

The attacking army was fully 10,000 men, that were armed 
and equipped in the very best possible condition, under the com- 
mand of General T. A. Morris, of the Indiana volunteers. The 
attack of infantry was led by Col. B. F. Kelly in person, and had 
it not been for the timely shooting of Colonel Kelly by John W. 
Sheffee, a member of Capt. Hull's company, in the streets of 
Philippi, as the Colonel was leading the charge on the routed 
Virginians, a greater part of the latter would have been cap- 

Captain Hull's company was in the rear of the Virginians, and 
young Sheffee took dead aim at Colonel Kelly, and when the 
gun cracked he, with great glee, came jumping forward to his 
companions, and exclaimed, "Sergeant, I have done it!*' 
"Done what?" "I flopped that big fellow from his horse that 
was coming after us so savage." Sheffee was a green mountain 
boy, but knew how to shoot, and when Colonel Kelly came wal- 
lop to the ground all effort to pursue the Virginians just then 
stopped, and this break in the charge gave them time to get 
together and defend themselves. 

This Col. B. F. Kelly is the same man who became a major- 
general in the Federal army, and was captured the last winter 
of the war in Cumberland City, Md., by Jesse McNeil. Major- 
General George Crook was captured at the same time by Mc- 

^90 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


From Dr. Price's diary the following- explanation is given or' 
the attack on Philippi : 

Saturday was the first day of June, 1861. On the second 
day of June there was an open-air preaching service for the 
Virginia soldiers in Philippi. At the conclusion of the service 
two young ladies, a Miss Mollie Kerr and a Miss Mollie McLeod, 
rode hurriedly into Philippi on horseback, and asked at once 
to be shown to Col. Porterfield's headquarters. These youn^ 
ladies by some means had come in possession of the plans of 
the Northern generals, and knew when the attack was to be 
made on the Virginians. 

The homes of these young ladies were down near Fairmount. 
and on Saturday by some means they had discovered the plans 
of the Federals, and under trying circumstances on Sunday had 
come to Philippi to tell Col. Porterfield that the plan was either 
to attack him Sunday night or Monday morning. Col. Porter- 
held at once gave the order to be ready to march at 5 o'clock 
P. M., and Dr. Price here narrates: "When the troops were 
promptly in marching order Sunday evening, June 2, 1861, in- 
structions we're given to eat supper and await further orders. 
The officers in charge of the pickets and scouts were directed to 
bring all in by midnight, and if it was not raining the march 
to Beverley would begin. The scouts reported at 12 o'clock 
and the pickets were withdrawn, and so from midnight on 
neither videttes nor pickets were on duty. 

"It was raining in torrents, and Captain Sterrett, of the 
Churchville Cavalry, had supposed, from the character of the 
instructions received by him, that it was his duty to await 
further orders, and so did Captain Stofer, officer in charge of 
the pickets. 

"In the meantime the Union troops were advancing unobserved 
and unmolested, and prepared for the attack at dawn. The 
first intimation the Virginians had of the Union men's ap- 
proach was the firing of artillery from an eminence beyond the 
bridge on the opposite side of the river from the cavalry camp. 

"It appeared that the Unionist had adopted this plan of as- 

Famous Retreat from Phittppi. 291 

sault; Philippi was to be approached at the north end by two 
divisions, while a flanking detachment was to enter by the 
southern road simultaneously, cutting off all retreat. 


"It seemed to have been intended that the attack should be 
brought on by the infantry upon the sleeping soldiers, followed 
up by the artillery opening on the cavalry camp at the northern 
limits of the town. Had this plan of battle been carried out, 
the Virginians would have all been slain or captured. Through 
a very manifest Providence interposing, as the writer views 
it, confusion was brought upon the designs of the Unionists by 
the assault opening with the artillery. This gave the sleeping 
.Virginians time to leave town before the infantry could cut 
off retreat. 

''The flanking party of the Unionists came into position just 
as the last of the Virginians were passing out of the town on 
the southern road. 

"On the part of the Virginians not a life was reported as 
lost. Two or three were seriously wounded — Leroy Dangerfield, 
of the Bath Cavalry, and Private Hanger, of the Churchville 

"The Unionists had their commanding officer, Col. B. F. 
Kelley, severely wounded near the southern extremity of the 
town, and as soon as that occurred all pursuit seemed to have 

Such is Dr. Price's account of the Philippi disaster. It is 
well to note that he was not an eye-witness, but was some miles 
in the rear, but near enough to hear the firing of the guns, and 
in a little while the fleeing Virginians came rushing by. On the 
3rd of June, 1 861, Mr. Wilson makes the note that he was 
waked-up at 3 o'clock that morning, and put on guard duty, 
and just at daylight he saw the flash of the artillery fire directed 
at the cavalry camp when all was thrown into confusion and 
retreat ordered. 

The artillery was charged with solid shot, and Young Han- 
ger's leg w^s cut off with a cannon ball. Mr. Hanger survived 

292 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

this, and is still living, and since the Civil War has been the 
manufacturer of wooden limbs. Leroy Dangerfield got well 
of his wound, and made a brilliant record as a Confederate 
soldier in the Eleventh Virginia Cavalry, captain of a company. 
Captain Dangerfield died a few years ago. 


The record shows that the Virginians lost all of their baggage 
and camp equipage, and fully one-half of their arms, and the 
little army was scattered to the four winds, but, after many 
privations, got together again, and presented another front on 
''Laurel Hill," where they were again outflanked and put to 
flight. Prior to the Philippi disaster the whole of western 
Virginia was in a greatly excited condition, and the mental suf- 
fering was intense ; but now the sufferings became real, and war, 
with all of its horrors, was spread over the country. 

All of Northwestern Virginia, as far south as Randolph coun- 
ty, had to be abandoned to the Federals, and this was very dis- 
heartening to the Southern sympathizers. 

The bold dash of the Federals, under General McClellan. 
into Northwest Virginia, led to the assembling of a mighty army 
under General Robert E. Lee in Greenbrier and Pocahontas 
counties the summer of 1861, but General Lee and General Mc- 
Clellan never confronted each other in Western Virginia as 
commanders of opposing armies. General Lee did not reach 
Huntersville until the 3d day of August, 1861 (see Recollec- 
tions and Letters of R. E. Lee, by Robert E. Lee, Jr., page 38, 
and did not reach his headquarters at Valley Mountain until 
three days later (see same book). 

General McClellan at this time was in command of the Army 
of the Potomac, which he assumed on the 27th day of July 
(see History of the War of Rebellion, referred to, page 428) : 
when General McClellan issues his first order as commander-in- 
chief of that army. 

The great battle of Bull Run, or First Manassas, had been 
fought on the 21st day of July 1861, and the Confederates had 
gained a signal victory, and General McDowell's defeated and 

Famous from Philip-pi. 293 

disorganized army was hurled back to Washington, and Mr. 
Lincoln and his Cabinet had sent to Randolph county with all 
haste for General McClellan, and when he reached Washington 
he was hailed as Napoleon, and Mr. Lincoln would jocularly 
tell his dishearted friends to "wait and see what little Mac would 
do." Poor Lincoln! He never seemed to have realized what 
sorrow, what bloodshed, and what suffering he was causing the 
country by his acts, and the levity with which he was accus- 
tomed to treat all questions touching the war must ever render 
his character contemptible in that respect. 

294 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, "September 2, 1906. 


Interesting Review of this Important Military Expedition. 

Steady March Unbroken — Important Town of Beverley 
Captured Without a Soldier Being Killed. 

What is known in war parlance as the "Imboden Raid" oc- 
cured in the spring of 1863, beginning the latter part of April 
and winding up before the month of May had expired. 

This was in some respects the most important military ex- 
pedition that was planned and executed by the Confederate 
authorities within the scope of the Virginia campaign; still little 
is known by the Virginia people of the "Imboden Raid." 

The Confederate soldiers who were on this expedition were 
almost entirely Western Virginia men, and, when the authori- 
ties had determined on the raid, these men were sought, far 
and near, because of their knowledge of the country, the peo- 
ple and the army posts kept up by the Federals in Western Vir- 
ginia. Another thing: Many of these men had been absent 
from their homes and friends two long years, and the authori- 
ties knew their great anxiety to return to their homes, for 
which they still cherished the dearest memories. 

The Twenty-fifth and Thirty-first Regiments of Virginia In- 
fantry were withdrawn from General Lee's army a few days 
before the battle of Chancellorsville and allowed to accompany 
this expedition. These two regiments belonged to General 
Early's old brigade, and this was the first time they had been 
separated from General Jackson since they had been made a 
part of his division. 

The man who planned and did more to execute the "Im- 
boden Raid" than any other one person was William L. Jack- 
son, who became a brigadier of the Confederate Army before 
the close of the Civil War. After the "Phillipi Retreat" Wil- 
liam L. Jackson was made colonel of the Thirty-first Virginia 

The Lnboden Raid and Its Effects. 295 

Regiment, an office that he held up to the reorganization of the 
army in the spring of 1862, at which time he became a mem- 
ber of Stonewall Jackson's staff, a position that he retained up 
to the spring of 1863. William L. Jackson was ' born and 
reared in Lewis county, Va., (now West Virginia), and was 
a first cousin of Thomas Jonathan Jackson, better known as 
"Stonewall." He was a lawyer by profession, and in the year 
1859 was elected circuit judge of the Twenty-first Judicial 
District of Virginia, that was composed of the counties of Tay- 
lor, Preston, Upshur, Harrison, Barbour, Tucker, Randolph 
and Marion, and was known at the beginning of the war of 
1861 as Judge Jackson, and at this time was the most widely 
known, as well as the most popular man in all that part of Vir- 

Before beginning the story of the "Imboden Raid," in order 
to have a proper understanding of the whole affair, it is neces- 
sary to give an epitomized history of military events that had 
preceded the year of 1863. A great part of the hard fighting 
of the Civil War was done in the campaign of 1862, and al- 
though the way matters looked at the beginning of that year, as 
being very unfavorable to the Confederates, yet before the close 
of that year some of the most brilliant victories of the war had 
been gained by the Confederates. 


In the year 1862 a dry summer and fall had prevailed and 
dry weather is an indispensable requisite for active military 
operations. To recount, before the close of that year, Stone- 
wall Jackson had made his splendid Valley Campaign including 
the battle of McDowell, the Seven Days' battles around Rich- 
mond had been fought and won; not long thereafter the battle 
of Cedar Run, and very soon thereafter the battles of Tho- 
roughfare Gap and the Second Manassas where and when Gen- 
eral John Pope hurriedly left his headquarters, that had been 
in the saddle. Later, north of the Potomac; the battle of 
Sharpsburg was fought when General McClellan went down in 
defeat the last time. This was more than the ''flesh and blood" 
of which Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet were made, could stand ; 

296 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

and poor McClellan, although a man of fine war talent, and 
having exerted that talent with every power of his nature in 
behalf of his government, was bound to go, and not long there- 
after was relieved of his command and retired in disgrace to 
private life. Just one year before the Northern people, with 
tongue and pen, had compared him to the great Napoleon. 
Then it was Ambrose Burnside was put in command of the 
Army of the Potomac. 

A man whose zeal and ambition were consuming him. and 
in his 1 rash efforts to do what neither of his pred^^^^s had 
been able to do, General Halleck, his chief at Washington, 
telegraphs him on the ioth day of December, 1862 (see War 
of Rebellion, Series I., Vol. LI., Part I, supplement page 955), 
"I beg of you not to telegraph details of your plans, nor the 
times of your intended movements. No secret can be kept 
which passes through so many hands." Nevertheless, three 
days after the date of this dispatch, General Burnside did fight 
the great battle of Fredericksburg, where he was overwhelm- 
ingly defeated. The United States Congress that was in ses- 
sion when this battle was fought, held a long investigation to 
find out the causes of General Burnside's failure, and the read- 
ers of this paper, who desire to know the causes that conspired 
to defeat General Ambrose Burnside at Fredericksburg on the 
13th day of December, 1862, should get the Congressional 
Record of that year, suffice it to say here, that the special com- 
mittee to whom the case had been referred did find a scape- 
goat on the 6th day of April, 1863, in the person of Major- 
General William B. Franklin, who bore away, to the wilder- 
ness the sin of the defeat, (see same Vol., page 1019). 

Then ''all was quiet along the Potomac" — in fact, the signal 
defeat of General Burnside greatly enhanced the significance 
of the oft-repeated war-song, "All is Quiet Along the Potomac," 
and such was the status of events with General Lee's army 
until April, 1863. 

In the spring of 1862 the Confederates abandoned all Vir- 
ginia territory west of the Alleghanies, which was immediately 
occupied by the advancing Federals, and the war records of 
the early part of that year bristle with the dispatches of Gen- 

7 he Imboden Raid and Its Effects. 297 

erals Robert Houston Milroy, George Crook and Colonel Ruth- 
erford B. Hayes, telling of their wonderful adventures, all of 
which were successful from their standpoint. General Milroy 
advanced over the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike and 
succeeded in penetrating the State as far east as McDowell, in 
Highland county. General Crook got as far east as Lewis- 
burg, in Greenbrier county, and Colonel Hayes reached Pear- 
isburg, in Giles county. Colonel Hayes was in command of 
the famous Twenty-third Ohio Regiment, and the dozen or 
more dispatches sent back by him on that expedition are to 
this day a remarkable revelation, and the greatest mystery is, 
that Rutherford B. Hayes, as President of the United States, 
should put his name, on the 16th day of June, 1880, to an act 
of Congress, making appropriations for the publication of what 
is so prejudicial to his own character as an honest and upright 
man. There were no rebels in sight on this expedition, and 
the colonel was happy. 

The only thing that troubled him was the "Captured Stuff," 
as he styles it, this he continually refers to in his dispatches as 
the only trouble. There was no trouble to whip the enemy, 
but the "Captured Stuff," he really did not have a sufficient 
number of men to care for. From the dispatches, this "Cap- 
tured Stuff" consisted of horses, mules, oxen and milk cows, 
and what little hay and grain the already impoverished farmers 
had on hand in the spring of the year of 1862. As late as the 
8th day of May, 1862, from Pearisburg he sends a dispatch 
(see same Vol. 609) to Colonel E. P. Scammon, commanding- 
brigade in which he says, "This is a lovely spot, a fine, clean 
village, most beautiful and romantic surrounding country, polite 
and educated 'secesh' people. It is the spot to organize our 
brigade." The writer would love to give this whole dispatch 
to his readers. It is a gushing affair. The Colonel was evi- 
dently under the influence of balmy spring when he wrote this 
dispatch, but it is too long to be inserted here. 


Colonel Hayes' prosperity, however, was short lived, as the 
very next day he informs his brigade commander by dispatch of 
the 9th (see same volume, page 611) of May, "Sir, you will 

298 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

have to hurry forward reinforcements rapidly — as rapidly as 
possible to prevent trouble here," and with a postscript adds: 
*'A party on the other side of the river is firing on our men, 
collecting forage and provisions." 

This is the very last of Colonel Hayes' dispatches on that 
expedition, and the light of his pen flickers and goes out, and 
no doubt the Colonel and his men for the next few days were 
engaged in business that forbade much writing. What happened 
to General Milroy at the village of McDowell on the 8th May 
of May, of the same year, has long been a matter of public 
history — an event the old, grizzled Confederate soldiers yet love 
to commemorate. The jolt Stonewall Jackson gave him on 
that memorable day so completely knocked the wind out of 
him that he never had any luck afterwards as a military man. 
From this man's own pen, his character, too, is a remarkable 
revelation. Somebody in the village of McDowell, where he 
had his headquarters, a few days before the battle, had cut his 
saddle to pieces, and he, thereupon, had arrested some twenty 
or more of the most prominent old men of the country and 
brought to his headquarters upon the charge of being rebel 
sympathizers, but the real offense was the mutilation of his sad- 
dle, and at the trial the fact was developed that he believed Jef- 
ferson Davis had connived at the destruction of his saddle. 

General Milroy was a foreigner by birth, and when relieved or* 
his command, and under military arrest for allowing his whole 
brigade being gobbled up, he wrote Mr. Lincoln on the 13th 
of September, 1863 ( see same Vol., page 1087), a l° n g anc ^ 
most pitiful letter, in which he says : "If this cannot be grant- 
ed, I would for many reasons desire a command in Texas. I 
have traveled through and resided there for a time, and be- 
came a naturalized citizen there before the annexation. I would be 
greatly pleased to help avenge the terrible wrongs of the Union 
citizens on the monsters there, and desire to be down there 
when the rebellion ends, to be ready to pitch into the French 
in Mexico;" and from this letter we see, altho' his wind and 
luck were gone, his zeal for war was still consuming him. Gen. 
Geo. Crook met with better fortune at Lewisburg, when on 
the 23d day of May, 1862, he partially defeated the Confede- 
rate General Herb, but that country became too hot for him. 

The Imbnien Raid and lis Effects. 299 

and he, too, retreated towards the Ohio River, and finally wound 
up his West Virginia campaign the winter of i864-'5 at Cum- 
berland City, Maryland, by accepting unconditionally and 
jointly with General Benjamin Franklin Kelly an invitation on 
the part of Jessie McNeil to accompany him to Richmond, Vir- 

What Confederate soldier is now living who was permitted 
to see the sight of two major-generals of the Federal army 
dressed out in full uniform, covered with medals of honor, 
mounted on two old poor, lanky Confederate mules, each ca- 
parisoned with a blind-bridle and the little duck-tailed Confede- 
rate saddle, coming into camp? Such was the appearance of 
Generals Crook and Kelly when they appeared in the Confede- 
rate camp, and from their own account, the half-clad, starving 
Confederate soldiers treated them with the utmost respect, and 
divided their scant rations with their two distinguished prison- 
ers. Such is the fate of war. "This is the state of man: To- 
day he puts forth the tender leaves of hopes; to-morrow blos- 
soms and bears his blushing honors thick upon him; the third 
day comes a frost, a killing frost, and when he thinks, good easy 
man, full surely his greatness is a-ripening, nips his root, and 
then he falls." By the first day of June, 1863, the Federals 
had abandoned all the territory of Western Virginia that they 
had acquired by their forward movement in the early spring, 
and even contracted their lines further back towards the Ohio 
River than they were at the close of the year of 1861, and by 
the 1st of September, 1862, General Loring occupied the Ka- 
nawha Valley, and General Jenkins passed through Western 
Virginia into the State of Ohio, and when winter closed in on 
the mountains of Virginia that year the outermost posts of the 
Federals were in Beverley, in Randolph coftnty; Bulltown, in 
Braxton county; Summerville, in Nicholas county, and Fay- 
etteville, in Fayette county; all of these places were fortified 
with ditches and parapets, and were well supplied with artillery, 
and the troops lived in block houses with portholes The Con- 
federates occupied the entire Greenbrier Valley and the coun- 
ties of Highland, Pendleton and Hardy, and scouted well down 
towards the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. 

The writer spent the winter of i862-'63 in Pocahontas county, 

000 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

and as he now remembers it, the coldest winter and the deepest 
snow that he ever saw in the mountains of Virginia. At the 
beginning of this winter a Colonel Winston Fontaine, who 
was born and reared near Richmond, came to Pocahontas 
county, commissioned by the Confederate government to raise 
a regiment of mounted men. This gentleman was a grandson 
of Patrick Henry, and married Miss Mary Burrows, the daugh- 
ter of Dr. Burrows, the famous Baptist preacher of Richmond, 
who made such a reputation as chaplain among the Confede- 
rate soldiers. A Major Morgan accompanied Colonel Fon- 
taine as his adjutant. Mrs. Fontaine also accompanied her 
husband to Western Virginia and spent the entire winter in the 
home of the late Colonel Paul McNeil, of the Little Levels of 
Pocahontas county. This gentleman had represented Pocahon- 
tas county in the Constitutional Convention of 1861, and the 
writer is his youngest son. At this time I was not an enlisted 
soldier, but was necessarily thrown a great deal of the time with 
Colonel Fontaine. I was seventeen years old, and Colonel Fon- 
taine was just the man a boy would admire. He was a brave, 
generous Christian gentleman, a fine shot and a classic scholar. 
My father required me to help feed and care for his live stock 
that winter. Colonel Fontaine succeeded beyond his expecta- 
tions in recruiting his regiment, and before the opening of 
spring he had a very respectable nucleus of a regiment of 
mounted men. 


As the long, cold winter wore away, despite the snow and 
cold there were occasional spats between the outposts, in which 
Hie Confederates fully held their own, and notably on one occa- 
sion, when a large* raiding party came from Beverley to cap- 
ture General Fontaine's force, the result of which was to leave 
fully one-third of their number. 

One dark, rainy night, at my father's, about the 1st of April, 
1863, from the noise we were apprised that some mounted men 
were approaching the house. On listening I heard the click of 
n saber. The first thought was that it was the Yankee cavalry. 
We fixed to defend ourselves as quickly as possible, but instead 
of shooting the strangers began to halloo, and then we knew 

The Imboden R<ti<( and lis Effects. 301 

that they were not Yankees, and when they dismounted and came 
into the house it proved to be Colonel William L. Jackson, 
Major William P. Thompson and their colored servant man. 
This was a great surprise to us, as these gentlemen had been 
connected with the Eastern army for more than a year, and 
we then thought of them as a part of General Lee's army, and 
coming this way in the dead hours of the night was very 
significant. It was my first meeting with Colonel William L. 
Jackson, and I will now try to describe him as he appeared to 
me then — a seven-teen-year-old boy — and to this day I still re- 
tain a perfect mental photograph of his appearance. I was in- 
troduced to Colonel Jackson in my father's family room. He 
had on a beautiful uniform of new Confederate gray cloth, with 
three stars on the collar, that told he held the rank of colonel. 
General Jackson would have weighed fully two hundred pounds 
and was at least six feet in height. He had unusually fine 
shoulders, head and face, and the most animated man that I 
had ever seen in conversation. 

His hair and whiskers were the deepest red that I had ever 
seen on the head and face of any man. In reply to a question 
from my father, he stated that he was forty-two years old. I 
gathered from the conversation that he had known my father 
very well indeed before the war began. He seemed to be per- 
fectly informed of all matters, both civil and military, relating 
to the Confederacy. A good dead of the time that night, dur- 
ing the conversation, he walked the floor, although he had 
made a long horseback ride the day he reached my father's. 
Colonel Jackson's mission to my father's house was to see Col- 
onel Fontaine brought to the parlor, where they were introduced 
to each other. 

Colonel Jackson told Colonel Fontaine, in the presence of 
Major Thompson, my father and myself, that he (Jackson) was 
just from Richmond, where he had seen Mr. Davis and had 
come by General Lee's headquarters on the Rappahannock 
River, and that General Lee's army was hard up for "meat 
rations," and the plan had been made up to raid Northwest 
Virginia and capture and drive South every kind of cattle in 
that part of the country that would make beef then and the 
next summer. This, Colonel Jackson said had been determined 

302 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

on by the authorities as the only way to provide meat rations 
for the Confederate soldiers. Colonel Jackson informed Colo- 
nel Fontaine that night that he (Jackson) had been authorized 
by the authorities of Richmond to take part of the regiment 
which Colonel Fontaine had already recruited, and in conjunc- 
tion with some other detached companies to form what was 
afterwards known as the Nineteenth Virginia Cavalry Regiment. 
Colonel Jackson had letters from the department to Colonel Fon- 
taine, which he produced, and the latter turned over the troops 
to the former. As a boy, my sympathies were at once aroused 
in behalf of Colonel Fontaine, but it was explained to me, that 
the Confederate government had taken this step because of 
Colonel Jackson's known popularity in the Northwest part of 
Virginia, and if the contemplated raid succeeded, that Colonel 
Jackson would recruit sufficiently to organize a brigade, which 
he did in the summer of 1863, and commanded throughout the 
war, and he was familiarly known as "Mudwall. Jackson." 

The writer desires just here to explain the acquisition of the 
character of William L. Jackson, as a Confederate soldier; the 
fact is, he was as brave a man as lived, and never refused to 
fight, when the attendant circumstances were anything like 
equal ; and now for the explanation of the title "Mudwall." In 
August, 1863, General Jackson was confronted and pressed by 
the Federal force, which was more than equal his own at Bev- 
erley, under the command of Colonel Thorn. Harris, of the Tentli 
West Virginia Infantry. At the same time, General William 
Woods Averill assembled a large force of cavalry, fully 6,000 
men at Keyser, (which during the war was called New Creek 
Station), on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, in the month of 
August, 1863, made a dash to capture Jackson and his entire 
force; he went through Pendleton, Highland and Bath coun- 
ties, and only lacked five hours of getting in the rear of Jack- 
son, ten miles west of the Warm Springs, but Jackson went 
through without the loss of a man or a horse, and while Averill 
went on and fought the battle of "Dry Creek" or "White Sul- 
phur," where he was defeated on the 26th of August. The 
disappointed force that had come from Beverley remained two 
«>r three days at TTuntersville, the county seat of Pocahontas. 

The Imboden Raid and Its Effects. 303 

waiting for General Averill to return, while 2,500 men were 
loitering there. 

Some wag of a fellow wrote a doggerel verse on the inside 
walls of the old Courthouse, entitled "Mudwall Jackson," the 
principal feature of which was a complaint that "Mudwall Jack- 
son" would not fight. The writer saw this writing a few days 
after the retreat of the Federals, and it was understood by the 
Confederate soldiers as having been put there by a Yankee sol- 
dier, and as we Confederates understood it at the time, the ani- 
mus of the verse was because the then dead "Stonewall" had 
been so hard on the Yankee, and the live "Mudwall" had 
escaped their net. 


So much for the "explanation of the title "Mudwall." When 
the Confederate troops in the Greenbrier Valley were put in 
motion for the raid into Northwestern Virginia, the marching- 
orders were to go east, and the common opinion among the sol- 
diers was that they were to be sent to the Valley of Virginia. 
This false movement on the part of the Confederates was made 
in order to throw the Federal scouts off the track, which it did 
most completely. Beginning at Lewisburg, the 22nd Virginia 
Infantry Regiment, under the command of Colonel George Pat- 
ton, marched east to the White Sulphur, and there turned north 
and passed through the Eastern part of Greenbrier and Poca- 
hontas counties into Highland county. The troops in Pocahon- 
tas county, consisting of the Nineteenth Virginia Cavalry and 
Dunn's battalion of mounted infantry, were ordered towards 
the Warm Springs, and after one day's march turned north. 
The soldiers of this command had no idea of their destination 
when they received the marching orders. At this time the 
writer, as been told, was not an enlisted soldier, but the fact 
that within the last year the Federal raiding parties had seized 
and carried away more than two hundred head of my father's 
cattle, and a number of fine horses, there would be an oppor- 
tunity now of recovering this stock; this fact more than any- 
thing else, led me to accompany the expedition. 

Another thing, my father the fall before had given me the 
most beautiful saddle horse that I have ever owned in my life. 
The horse was five years old, a blood bay, 15 1-2 hands tall. 

304 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

with a star in his forehead, the swiftest animal I have ever 
mounted, and despite his strength and speed, as docile as a 
lamb. The horse had an exceedingly sore back, when he came 
into my possession, and up to this time I knew nothing of the 
former history of the horse, and how fond I was of riding 
him no pen now can tell. An older brother of mine, who held 
a commission as captain under Colonel Jackson, and I, started 
alone on this expedition. The evening of the first day we 
crossed the Alleghany Mountain into Highland county, and 
just at the foot of the mountain we overtook the Twenty-sec- 
ond regiment, resting in the roadside, and so soon as I began to 
ride by the regiment, I heard one soldier call: "Colonel Barbee 
yonder is your horse." Whereupon the whole regiment began 
to clamor, "Yonder is Billie," (the name of the horse). Colonel 
Barbee, who was the lieutenant-colonel of the regiment, rode 
to my side, and seeing that I was much perturbed, introduced 
himself to me, and in a very pleasant way gave me a short 
history of the horse. 

He had been bred in Kentucky, and the Colonel had ridden 
him a year, but, on account of his weight, he had ruined his 
back and rendered the horse unfit for service. Colonel Barbee 
had sold him to Captain Bob Moorman, of Greenbrier county, 
and the latter had sold him to my father. In the meantime, the 
soldiers had gathered around him until he was completely hemm- 
ed in on all sides, and there I sat, a bashful seventeen-year-old 
boy, not enjoying in the least notoriety that Billie had given 
me. The Twenty-second Regiment that day had fully nine hun- 
dred men, and Virginia, had no troops in the field that made a bet- 
ter record than that splendid regiment of men, and the writer can 
still recall distinctly the faces of many of those noble young men. 
as they looked to him on that April evening, now more than 
forty-two years ago. 


The morning of the second day after this occurrence the 
troops all met at Hightown, a point on the old Staunton and Park- 
ersburg Road six miles west of Monterey, and from the turn- 
pike road at Hightown, two large and beautiful limestone spring- 
can be seen one North, the other south of the road; one the 

The Imboden Raid and. Its Effects. 305 

extreme head of the South Branch of the Potomac River, the 
other the extreme head of Jackson's River, the longest branch 
of the James. At this point is the junction of the public roads 
leading up and down the South branch and the Jackson Rivers. 
The morning was an ideal spring morning, and the writer had 
often thought the most inspiring sight ever brought before him 
he saw there that moring. The soldiers were still bewildered as 
to their movements, but when the command began to move west 
over the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike you could see joy 
in their faces. First came General John Imboden, at the head of 
his brigade, composed of the Sixty-second Virginia Infantry, 
the Eighteenth Virginia Calvary, some independent companies and 
one good battery of four pieces of artillery. The Sixty-second 
Regiment, a large regiment then, was immediatly behind Gen- 
eral Imboden's staff, and with fife and drum they moved out. 
•Next came Colonel Patton, as true a knight as ever put lance to 
rest, at the head of the Twenty-second Regiment. Next came Col- 
onel William L. Jackson, whose face was beaming with joy, 
at the head of the Ninteenth Regiment of Cavalry. Next Colo- 
nel Dunn, at the head of his batalion; next Colonel John Hig- 
ginbothan, at the head of the Twenty-fifth Virginia Infantry — 
and what a soldier this man was ! Next came that war-worn 
veteran, Colonel John S. Huffman, at the head of "the old 
Thirty-first," as the members of that regiment delighted to call 
it. The scene was too much for my young rebel heart, and 
for the sake of Billie, I am glad that no one saw me just then. 
I was visibly affected. There were the first Confederate sol- 
diers that I had seen marching with colors flying and to the 
step of martial music, since General Lee had fallen back from 
Valley Mountain in September, 1861. A great many men who 
were refugees from Northwest Virginia had found out the secret 
of the raid and accompanied the raiders. General Imboden, 
when he got into Randolph county, had fully five thousand fight- 
ing men. I marched the first day with the Twenty-fifth and 
Thirty-first Regiments, for the reason I wanted to see my cous- 
ins and acquaintances that I had not now seen for two years. 
The ranks of these two regiments had been fearfully depleted 
at that time ; and what a change had come over the living. Their 
faces had grown old and careworn and while they looked strong 

306 Sou/hern Historical Society Papers. 

and healthy, still their limbs were so stiff that not one of them 
I tried could mount "Billie" from the ground. I managed to 
get two of my first cousins on the horse at different times from a 
high bank, but it affected the hip and leg so they took cramp 
and had to get off immediately. No wonder ! These were the 
legs that made up Stonewall Jackson's foot cavalry, and when 
you reflect what they had already done, how could they be any- 
thing else but stiff? The first night we camped on the battle- 
field of "Camp Bartow," twenty miles west of Hightown. Here 
it was Colonel Ed. Johnson defeated the Federals on the 3d 
day of October, 1861. 

The next morning it was raining, and began to snow as we 
began to ascend that mighty barrier, Cheat Mountain. The 
snow fell fully six inches on the top of Cheat Mountain that 
day, and many of the men who were scantly dressed suffered 
fearfully from the cold. But we pushed on through the storm 
and reached Huttonsville, a distance of twenty miles from where 
we had camped the night before. 

By this time it was fully known among the soldiers that Gen- 
eral William E. Jones, with his brigade of cavalry, was to ope- 
rate in conjunction with us and was to strike the Baltimore & 
Ohio Railroad near Martinsburg, and to go west, doing all 
the damage he could to the railroad, and we were to meet him 
somewhere near Clarksburg The fact that General Jones was 
on this raid gave General Imboden and his men greater courage 
and confidence in their own undertaking. General Jones was 
known to be a dashing cavalry officer, and a splendid fighter, 
and everybody felt that sure he would do his part. At Hut- 
tonsville we were within eleven miles of Beverley, and we knew 
the Federals had a strong force at this place, and that the 
town was strongly fortified and supplied with artillery. We 
also knew that we were ahead of all news and that the enemy 
had no idea of an approach. The night at Huttonsville was 
a fearful one on men exposed as we were. It rained all night, 
and did not cease until late in the afternoon on the next day. 


As soon after daylight as possible General Imboden had his 

The Imboden Raid and Its Effects. 307 

army in motion and every man believed that there was work 
ahead of us that day. 

The infantry could not cross the Tygart's Valley River, as 
the turnpike does, but had to keep on the east side of the river 
all the way down to Beverley's. One company of cavalry went 
in advance of the infantry. This was Captain McNeil's, and 
was selected because they were the best mounted men. After 
going a short distance, General Imboden told Captain McNeil 
to pick out five or six of the swiftest horses and put them far 
enough in front to apprise him of any approach. Billie was one 
of the horses chosen, and I rode him, Billie was in all his glory 
that day. The first party we struck was a foraging party, after 
corn and hay, with thirty-two good mules in the wagons. We 
rode right into them before they knew of our presence, and the 
guard of a dozen or so mounted men surrendered without a 
shot. Not a man or mule escaped. A little farther on our 
party of five met a quartermaster, with the rank of major. He 
was a big, fat Dutchman, and was mounted on one of the most 
beautiful sorrel mares I ever saw. The major thought that 
we were his men, coming back empty, and began to abuse us. • 
We told him to see the fellows* behind, and he passed on with- 
out stopping, and I don't think looked at us. 

This is the last, and first, time that I ever saw that major, 
but, as I saw one of General Imboden's aids riding the major's 
mare the next day, I knew what had become of the major. 
Thus far not a shot had been fired, and our orders were not 
to shoot. Within a few minutes of passing the major we met 
quite a squad of cavalry, and as soon as they saw us they turned 
and ran, and we gave chase for mile or two, but did not over- 
take them. At the close of this race we had our first skirmish, 
which might have proved a serious affair had not a courier 
reached us just then with orders to press them, for the reason 
that, when the final dash was to be made for the breastworks, 
General Imboden wanted the infantry as close as possible. 
There were fully fifteen hundred Federal soldiers in the earth- 
works around Beverley, and if they had been determined men 
could have stood off a force three times their number. At first 
they put up a show of a strong fight, but became demoralized 
and abandoned their positions, and fled towards Philippi. The 

308 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Philippi road was the nearest way to the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad, and this road had been used by the Federals at Bev- 
erley for the purpose of hauling supplies. Another thing in 
our efforts to capture the fort at Beverley. We had taken the 
Staunton and Parkersburg pike beyond Beverley that leads to 
Buchanan. The Federals left Beverley just before sundown, 
and as we afterwards learned, fled all the way through the mud 
to Philippi (a distance of thirty-one miles) that night. 


There was not a single Confederate killed or seriously wound- 
ed in the capture of Beverley, in April, 1863. The Confederates 
were pretty well worn out when we reached Beverley, and especi- 
ally was this true of the infantry, that had come from Lewis- 
burg, Staunton and Harrisonburg, all of them having tramped 
over one hundred miles, but they were greatly rejoiced at the 
thought of capturing so easily the old town of Beverley, that 
had then been in the hands of the Federals since the nth 
day of July, 1861. 

It was the capture of this town on that day that made the 
great military reputation of General George B. McClellan, and 
the earthworks that we had just chased the Yankees out of were 
probably the product of his brain. General McClellan was at 
Beverley reposing on his Rich Mountain laurels, where he and 
Rosecrans had more thousands than Colonel Heck had hundreds, 
when the administration at Washington in their dire discom- 
fiture after the 21st of July, sent for him to come, and that with 
all possible speed to take the command of General McDowell's 
defeated and disorganized army, and on his arrival at Washing- 
ton, he was hailed as the "Young Napoleon." In approaching 
Northwestern Virginia from the east, Beverley is the key to all 
that country, and none knew this fact better than the Federals, 
and the boast was often made by even the private Federal sol- 
diers that "Beverley would never be taken," and this had been 
the fear of our leaders that we would have to go around Bever- 
ley, and if Beverley had not been captured, as the writer now 
views it, the Imboden raid would have been a failure. The 
purpose of the raid was not to fight, but to capture all the horses, 
mules and especially . all cattle that could be gotten within the 

The Imboden Raid and Its Effects. 309 

Federal lines, and after the evacuation of Beverley the Confede- 
rate soldiers knew that there was no fortified town east of 
there, and they also knew that all those rich counties in the 
Northwest, teeming with fine horses and cattle, were com- 
pletely at their mercy. 

So on they went, and on the 30th day of April, General 
Roberts, commandant of the Federal forces in that part of Vir- 
ginia, with his chief, from Clarksburg, that "the advance of 
Jones was at Shinnstown, seven miles north of him, and the 
advance of Imboden and Jackson was eleven miles south of 
him on the Philippi Road" (see page 1019, same Vol.), which 
dispatch shows that things were getting very interesting around 
Federal headquarters at that place. General Jones did his 
part well. He broke the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad up so 
effectually, as the records show, as to strike terror to the hearts 
of the enemy from Baltimore city to Wheeling. At the latter 
place the militia was called out to defend the city, and the Con- 
stitutional Convention that was in session at that time in Wheel- 
ing, that formed the State of West Virginia, adjourned "sine 
die," and fled in disorder to the States of Ohio and Pennsylva- 
nia. When near Clarksburg, General Jones rode with fully 
fifteen hundred of his men towards Parkersburg r and came so 
near that place as to produce great consternation, and the pres- 
ence of a Yankee gunboat on the Ohio River was what pro- 
hibited him from taking the place. The next day, forty miles 
above Parkersburg, on the little Kanawha River, General Jones 
burnt the oil works in Wirt county. Here was the biggest 
oil works in Virginia, and there was immense quantities of 
barreled oil on hand. Some thousand men or more were liv- 
ing here in shacks, engaged in the oil business. 

The whole thing was completely wiped out with fire, and 
the soldiers who were with General Jones, at this day, get ex- 
cited when that fire is mentioned, so terrific was it in appear- 
ance. In the meantime, General Imboden's command spread 
all over the counties of Randolph, Barbour, Taylor, Monon- 
gahela, Upshur, Lewis, Harrison and Doddridge, and from there 
gathered fully eight thousand fine cattle and two thousand horses 
and mules. The writer was in a position to see most all of 
this stock, nearly all of which was in splendid condition. When 

310 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

we met General Jones he had selected five hundred head of as 
fine cattle as ever were in West Virginia, and the drovers 
and guards were directed to take them as quickly as possible to 
General Lee's army. No country could have been more 
abundantly supplied with live stock than all that fine grazing 
country of Northwestern Virginia was at that time, and all of 
this stock, independently of the sympathies of the owners, was 
brought back safely within the Confederate lines. Many arid 
pitiable were the scenes of women, girls and old men, pleading 
for their horses and cattle, but the Confederate soldiers that 
had been sent there to execute the orders of their government, 
did it faithfully. General Jones completely remounted his en- 
tire brigade of cavalry with fresh horses, the pick of the coun- 
try, and ever since the Civil War, in that part of West Vir- 
ginia the Imboden raid has been regarded the greatest calamity 
that ever befell their country. 


The results of the Imboden raid, from a military standpoint 
were, to supply the meat rations of General Lee's Army, and 
on the strength supplied by some of those cattle the raid was 
made into Pennsylvania one month later, when the great battle 
of Gettysburg was fought the first week of July, 1863. The 
war records show another result was, General Benjamin S. 
Roberts was relieved of his command in Western Virginia, 
and General William Woods Averill was appointed in his place. 
The government at Washington was greatly displeased with 
General Roberts, principally because he had allowed all that 
valuable property to be captured and taken within the Confede- 
rate lines. Another result of the Imboden raid was the assemb- 
ling in West Virginia of what was known as the Eighth Army 
Corps, under General Averill, for the purpose of destroying 
all the western part of Virginia inside the Confederate lines, 
and the three successive raids made by him in August, Novem- 
ber and December of that year, the last raid ending up at Salem, 
Va., where General Averill did so much damage to the rail- 
road and Confederate stores at that place. The political effect 
of the "Imboden Raid" inside the Federal lines in that part 

The Imboden Maid and Ms Effects. 311 

of the State was very great. The people of those counties 
had long had their grievances, real or imaginary, against the 
people of the Eastern counties, and as has been said, there was 
a convention at that time then in session at the city of Wheel- 
ing for the purpose of dividing the State. General Jones' 
near approach to Wheeling was announced to the convention 
by a breathless messenger while the convention, in a digni- 
fied way, wafs discusing some matter of great importance. The 
convention immediately became a bedlam, and the members 
stampeded over each other in their scramble for the street, 
and fled in great disorder in every direction. 

And now, after the raid was over, and the members came 
back and looked each other in the face, they felt greatly humil- 
iated, and to aggravate this feeling the news that all of the 
fine horses and cattle had been seized and taken back into 
the Confederacy was brought from every part of the country. 
So upon the reassembling of that convention it was an easy 
matter for it to publish to the world on the 20th day of June, 
1863, that "West Virginia shall be and remain one of the Unit- 
ed States of America." The formation and admission into 
the Union of a new and loyal State, as well as the dismember- 
ment of a disloyal one, had now for two years been a pet meas- 
ure with Mr. Lincoln, and so anxious was he to encourage 
the people of Virginia west of the Alleghanies to form this 
new State, that when he issued his famous emancipation procla- 
mation on the 22d day of September, 1862, to take effect one 
hundred days thereafter, was careful to announce that his 
emancipation proclamation did not apply to the forty-eight 
counties that constituted West Virginia, and that these coun- 
ties "were left precisely as if the proclamation had not been 

So the negroes of West Virginia were not freed by Abraham 
Lincoln's emancipation proclamation. 

The first and only time that we have any record of Mr. 
Lincoln being questioned about the legality of the formation 
of West Virginia was at Hampton Roads conference, in Feb- 
ruary, 1865, when the Confederate State Senator R. M. T. 
Hunter (see Stephen's History of the War Between the States, 

312 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Vol. II., page 616) put the question personally and directly 
to Mr. Lincoln to know what would be the result of a restora- 
tion of the Union, according to his idea, as to Western Vir- 
ginia: "Would the Old Dominion be restored to her ancient 
boundaries, or would Western Virginia be recognized as a sep- 
arate State in the Union?" Mr. Lincoln replied "that he 
could only give an individual opinion, which was that West- 
ern Virginia would be continued to be recognized as a separate 
State in the Union/' and he might have added, with all truth, 
that the "Imboden Raid" had done more to crytallize local pub- 
lic sentiment in favor of the separate State of West Virginia 

than all other agencies combined. 

John A. McNeil. 
Rockbridge Baths, Va. 

List of Virginia Chaplains, A. N. V. 313 



Lieutenant-General Longstreet, Pickett's Division. 

\^ 1 

Steuart's Brigade — Ninth Regiment, J. W. Walkup and G. 
W. Easter ; Thirty-eighth Regiment, R. W. Cridlin and Rev. 
Mr. Cosby; Fifty-third Regiment, W. S. Penick, P. H. Fon- 
taine and Rev. Mr. Colton ; Fifty-seventh Regiment, J. E. Joy- 
ner; Fourteenth Regiment, Rev. Mr. Crocker; Twenty-fourth 
Regiment, W. F. Gardner. 

Hunter's Brigade — Eighth Regiment, T. A. Ware and George 
W. Harris ; Eighteenth Regiment, J. D. Blackwell, Nineteenth 
Regiment, P. Slaughter; Twenty-eighth Regiment, Rev. Mr. 
Tinsley ; Fifty-sixth Regiment, Rev. Mr. Robbins. 

W. R. Terry's Brigade — First Regiment, Rev. Mr. Oldrick; 
Third Regiment, Rev. Mr. Hammond and J. D. Ward; Seventh 
Regiment, John H. Bocock, F. McCarthy and Rev. Mr. Fray- 
ser ; Eleventh Regiment, John C. Granberry and Thomas C. 

Corse's Brigade — Fifteenth Regiment, P. F. August; Sev- 
enteenth Regiment, John L. Johnson and R. M. Baker; Thir- 
tieth Regiment, W. R. D. Moncure ; Thirty-second Regiment ; 
Thirty-ninth Regiment, Rev. Mr. Phillippi. 

Missionary chaplains in the corps — Rev. Dr. Theoderick 
Pryor, Rev. Dr. J. C. Granberry, Rev. Harvie Hatcher, Rev. 
Dr. A. B. Woodfin. 


Lieutenant-Generals T. J. Jackson, R. S. Ewell, J. A. Early and 
Major-General John B. Gordon. 

Missionary chaplains at large — Rev. Dr. B. T. Lacy, Rev. 
Dr. L. Rosser and Rev. E. J. Willis. 

Gordon's Division: Chaplains of William Terry's Brigade 

314 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

(composed of remnants of Stonewall, J. M. Jones's and Stuart's 
Virginia Brigades) — Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, A. B. Wood- 
fin, of Virginia ; Second Regiment, A. C. Hopkins ; Fifth Reg- 
iment, E. Payson Walton and C. S. M. Lee'; Fourth Regiment, 
F. C. Tebbs and William R. McNeer ; Twenty-seventh Regi- 
ment, L. C. Vass ; Thirty-third Regiment, J. M. Grandin ; 
Tenth Regiment, J. P. Hyde, S. S. Lambeth and Rev. Mr. 
Balthis ; ' Thirty-seventh; Regiment, Forty-fourth Regiment, 
Richard I. Mcllwaine and James Nelson; Twenty-fifth Regi- 
ment, George B. Taylor and John W. Jones; Twenty-first 
Regiment, I Flarvie Gilmore ; Forty-second Regiment, Thomas 
Williams ; Forty-eighth Regiment, George E. Booker ; Fiftieth 
Regiment, J. W. Denny. 

Pegram's Division, Pegram's (old) Brigade — Thirteenth 
Regiment, J. William Jones and William S. Ryland ; Fifty- 
second Regiment, John Magill ; Forty-ninth Regiment, J. Pow- 
ell Garland ; Fifty-eighth Regiment, George Slaughter and L. 
B. Madison ; Thirty-first Regiment, A. D. Lepps. 

Artillery, Second Corps ; Colonel Thomas H. Carter — Cut- 
shaw's Battalion, Rev. Mr. Page; Nelson's Battalion, T. Wal- 
ker Gilmer; Braxton's Battalion, Rev. A. B. Brown and James 
Nelson; Hardaway's Battalion, T. M. Niven and Henry M. 


Lieutenant-General A. P. Hill. 

Missionary chaplains at large — Rev. Dr. George D. Arm- 
strong and Rev. J. William Jones. 

Heth's Division, Archer's (old) Brigade and Walker's (old) 
Brigade — Fortieth Regiment, George F. Bagby and J. M. An- 
derson; Forty-seventh Regiment, S. P. Meredith and S. B. 
Barber ; Fiftieth Regiment, R. B. Beadles. 

Mahone's Division, Weisiger's Brigade — Twelfth Regimen t, 
S. V. Hoyle ; Sixth Regiment, Sixteenth Regiment ; Sixty-first 
Regiment, Hilary E. Hatcher; Forty-first Regiment, John IT. 

Artillery, Third Corps, General Walker — Pegram's Battalion, 
Rev. Mr. Rodman; Poague's Battalion, James Wheary. 

List of Virginia Chaplains, A. N. V. 315 


General R. H. Anderson. 

B. R. Johnson's Division, Wise's Brigade — Thirty-fourth 
Regiment, W. H. Robert ; Twenty-sixth Regiment, W. E. Wiatt ; 
Fifty-ninth Regiment, L. B. Wharton; Forty-sixth Regiment, 
W. Gaines Miller. 

Post chaplains at Petersburg — Rev. T. Hume, Jr., Rev. W. 
M. Young, Rev. J. B. Hardwicke, Rev. T. Hume, Sr., Rev. 
L. C. Vass and the pastors of the several churches and a num- 
ber of visiting ministers, missionaries and colporteurs rendered 
invaluable service. 

Post chaplains at Richmond — Those, so far as I can obtain 
the list, were Rev. Dr. James B. Taylor, Sr., Rev. Robert Ry- 
land, D. D., Rev. William Harrison Williams, Rev. Dr. W. W. 
Bennett, Rev. J. E. Martin and Rev. J. T. Carpenter. 

The pastors of Richmond were practically chaplains all 
through the war and were untiring in their self-sacrificing la- 
bors. I recall the following: 

Rev. Dr. J. L. Burrows, of the First Baptist Church ; Rev. 
Dr. J. B. Jeter, of Grace Street Baptist Church; Rev. Dr. D. 
Shaver and Rev. Dr. L. W. Seeley, of the Second Baptist 
Church; Rev. Dr. J. B. Solomon, of Leigh Street .Baptist 
Church ; Rev. Dr. M. D. Hoge, of the Second Presbyterian 
Church ; Rev. Dr. C. H. Read, of Grace Street Presbyterian 
Church ; Rev. Dr. J. A. Duncan, Rev. Dr. D. S. Doggett and 
Rev. Dr. J. E. Doggett, of the Methodist churches, and of the 
Episcopal churches, Rev. Dr. Charles Minnigerode, of St. 
Paul's; Rev. Dr. Geo. W. Woodbridge, of the Monumental; Rev. 
Dr. Joshua Peterkin, of St. James ; and Rev. Dr. T. G. Dashiell, 
of St. Mark's ; Rev. William J. Hoge, Tabb Street Church, 

Among other post chaplains in the State who did efficient ser- 
vice, I recall the names of the Rev. Dr. George B. Taylor, at Staun- 
ton; Rev. J. C. Hiden, at the University of Virginia; Rev. Dr. 
W. F. Broaddus, at Charlottesville; Rev. Dr. J. L. Johnson, at 
Lynchburg ; Rev. George W. Hyde, at Huguenot Springs ; 
Rev. D. B. Ewing, at Gordonsville ; Rev. A. D. McVeigh, at 
Farmville, Va., and the Rev. C. C. Chaplin, at Danville. 

316 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Times-Dispatch, December 23, 1906, and January 9, 1907. 


Her Last Challenge and Why She Was Destroyed. 

Extracts from the account prepared and published by Mr. Joseph 
G. Fiveash, of Norfolk, Va., of the career of the Confederate gun- 
boat Virginia, or Merrimac, the first iron-clad warship the world 
has ever known. 

"The operations of General Burnside in North Carolina, in 
the rear of Norfolk, and the transfer of General McClellan's 
army from the neighborhood of Washington to the Virginia 
Peninsula, between the York and James rivers, in the spring 
of 1862, caused the Confederate authorities to determine to 
evacuate Norfolk and vicinity to prevent the capture of the 
15,000 troops in that department. As early as March 26th 
the commandant of the navy-yard was confidentially informed 
of the intended action, and ordered to quietly prepare to send 
valuable machinery to the interior of North Carolina. The 
peremptory order of General Joseph E. Johnston for the aban- 
donment of the navy-yard was communicated to Capt. S. S. 
Lee by Secretary Mallory, in a letter dated Richmond, May 
3, 1862. The work of evacuation was expected to be accom- 
plished in two weeks. The citizens at first would not believe 
the reports of the intended abandonment of the department, 
but they were soon convinced of their truth. The work had 
been progressing several days when, on May 8th, an incident 
occurred that hastened matters and brought about results that 
were far-reaching in their importance. Captain James Byers, 
of the tug J. B. White, had been instructed to proceed to 
Sewell's Point early on the morning of the 8th, and tow to Nor- 
folk a barge containing the most valuable gun at that place, 
an 11-inch Columbiad. He certainly made an early start, as 
the records show that he reached Old Point before eight o'clock. 
By this desertion General Wool learned that Norfolk was be- 
ing evacuated, and shortly after 12 o'clock the same day a 

The Virginia's Great Fight on Water. 317 

squadron, composed of the ironclads Monitor and Naugatuck, 
gunboats Seminole and Dakotah and sloops-of-war Susquehanna 
and San Jacinto commenced to bombard the batteries at Sew- 
ell's Point, which were bein°f dismantled. 

The Virginia at that time was taking in stores at the navy- 
yard, but as soon as the bombardment commenced she started 
for the Roads to give battle to the bombarding squadron. When 
she reached the neighborhood of Craney island, where there 
is a bend in the Elizabeth River, and came into view of the 
six vessels named, they all immediately returned to Old Point. 
She then proceeded to the neighborhood of the Rip-Raps and 
fired a shot to windward. This was her last challenge. Its 
historical accuracy can be verified by referring to a telegram 
of Commodore Goldsborough to President Lincoln, to abstracts 
from the logs of the Minnesota, Dakotah, Susquehanna, Nauga- 
tuck, St. Lawrence and San Jacinto, and to reports of Cap- 
tain John P. Gillis, of the Seminole, and Lieutenant Consta- 
ble, of the steamer E. A. Stevens. These reports are to be 
found on pages 330-1-2-3-4-5. The report, however, which 
contains the fullest information was that furnished by Com- 
mander W. N. W. Howlett, V. C. of H. B. M. S. Rinaldo, dated 
Fortress Monroe, May 10, 1862, and forwarded to the British 
government by Vice-Admiral Sir Alexander Milne, K. C. B., 
on 24th of May 1862. This is an extract from it: 

"May. the 8th, 1862. The same morning a Confederate tug- 
boat arrived at Fortress Monroe from Norfolk, having deserted. 
She reported that the Confederates were prepaing to evacuate 
Norfolk, etc." 


Then follows a description of the movement .of six vessels 
against Sewell's Point and the appearance of the Virginia in 
Hampton Roads, when they retired to Old Point. 

As the Virginia alone came within the range of their guns 
and those at Fort Wool, or Rip-Raps, the Federals frigate Min- 
nesota, accompanied by four large steamers, which are intend- 
ed to act as rams, proceeded up the river (bay it should be) 
abreast of Old Point, and joined the rest of the squadron. 
With the exception of a few shots fired from the Rip-Raps at 

318 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the Virginia, the Federals made no attempt to molest her, but, 
on the contrary, as she approached them they steamed away 
from her. They left off firing at Sewell's Point immediately 
on sighting her coming from Norfolk. 

The Virginia having driven the Federal fleet away, returned 
and anchored under Sewell's Point, where she now remains. 

The information conveyed by the captain of the tug J. B. 
White, relative to the evacuation of Norfolk, enabled General 
Wool to hasten it by landing a force on the Bay Shore, about 
ten miles distant from the city. This occurred on Saturday, 
the ioth of May, two days after the bombardment of Sewell's 
Point. The Virginia was then lying in the river near Craney 
Island, and Commodore Tatnall, in his report of the Virginia's 
destruction, made in Richmond on the 14th of May, states 
that he did not learn of the withdrawal of the troops and the 
destruction of the navy-yard until 7 o'clock in the evening (May 
ioth). He then recites how he lightened the Virginia for 
the purpose of taking her up the James River, and after she 
had been so lightened until she was vulnerable, he was informed 
by his lieutenant that the pilots reported that the vessel could 
not reach the desired point up the river on account of a west 
wind, which had prevailed for several days. He then deter- 
mined to destroy her, which he did by causing her to be set 
on fire. His reports says : "The ship was accordingly put 
on shore as near the mainland in the vicinity of Craney Island 
as possible, and the crew landed. She was then fired, and 
after burning fiercely for upwards of an hour, blew up a little 
before 5 o'clock on the morning of the nth." This report can 
be found on pages 335-6-7. Thus ended the career of the 
Virginia, which had lasted but two months. Never at any 
time, until the last visit to Hampton Roads, may 8th, was 
she capable of doing what was first expected of her — that of 
passing Fort Monroe and the Rip-Raps — and when she reached 
her perfect condition the changes of her surroundings were 
such that she had no base of supplies and was confined to 
1 [ampton Roads. 


A few years after the close of the war efforts were made 

The Virginia's Great Fight on Water. 319 

to induce Congress to pay prize money to Captain Worden and 
the crew of the Monitor for their services in destroying the 
Virginia. A bill was passed in one branch of the Forty-second 
Congress making such an appropriation, but it failed to se- 
cure action in the other house. Eight years later the claim was 
revived, the bill authorizing an appropriation of $200,000. The 
whole subject of the Virginia's operations in Hampton Roads 
was carefuly investigated by the Committee on Naval Affairs 
of the House, and on the 31st of May, 1864, Mr. Ballentine, 
for the committee, submitted a very exhaustive report, which 
was adopted, rejecting the claim. The committee, in submit- 
ting the result of their labors, concluded their report in the 
following language : "Holding to these views, we respectfully 
report adversely to the passage of the bill." This report can 
be found in the Congressional Record of May, 1884, and also 
in Volume XIII. , Southern Historical Society Papers, pub- 
lished in 1885. 

The Virginia was 262 feet 9 inches long and she drew 22 
feet when ready for action. Her shield was 167 feet 7 inches 
in length, and was covered with two layers of iron that was 
rolled at the Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond. The plates 
were 8 inches wide, 2 inches thick, and about 20 feet long. 
Their capacity for resistence was tested by Lieutenant John M. 
"Brooke, of the ordinance department at Richmond. The first 
layer ran fore and aft, and the top layer was placed up and 
down. The timber backing was 22 inches thick and the iron 
armor 4 inches. Her shutters were of hammered iron 4 inches 
thick, and her pilot-houses were of cast iron 12 inches thick, 
with 4 holes each for observation. They were placed at each 
end of her shield. The pitch of the gun deck was 7 feet, and 
the iron grating above, forming a deck, was 2 inches thick. 
There were three hatchways in the top of the grating, with 
pivot shutters. The casualties on the Virginia occurred in the 
first day's fight. There were none the second day. Her armor 
was not pierced at any time, and but six of her outer plates 
were cracked. None of the lower ones were injured. Two of 
her guns were broken at the muzzle the first day, and two men 
killed, the damage being done by shot coming in unprotected 
portholes. Her armor showed that more than a hundred shots 

320 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

struck her. She carried two 7-inch rifled pivot guns, one at 
bow and the other aft, and eight 9-inch Dahlgren guns, four 
on each side. Two of the latter were disabled March 8th, and 
they were replaced by two 6-inch rifled guns. 

The hopes that the Virginia inspired in the South and the 
fears that she excited in the North are now but a memory, and 
it really appears that after forty-four years have passed, the 
time has arrived when her true history should be known to all 
the people instead of to a portion only, as at present. The 
War Records, which have been so freely used in the prepara- 
tion of this article, afford the material for such a history. 

Mr. Fiveash says : 

The work of transforming the Merrimac into an ironclad 
was all performed while the vessel was in the dry dock, and 
when the time came to let water into the dock and float her, 
by direction of the Confederate Secretary of the Navy, Mr. 
Mallory, she was named Virginia. 

On Saturday, March 8, 1862, under the command of Flag 
Officer Franklin Buchanan, she started for Hampton Roads 
on her trial trip, and before night she had revolutionized naval 
warfare and ushered in the era of ironclads. Her passage 
through the harbor and down to the Roads was witnessed by 
thousands of citizens and soldiers, and when, after dark, she 
turned to the neighborhood of Sewell's Point and transferred 
to one of the small gunboats two of her crew who had been 
killed and three officers and five of the crew who had been 
wounded, the frigate Cumberland had been destroyed, the 
Congress had been set on fire after surrendering, the Minnesota 
had been injured and was aground, and the St. Lawrence and 
Roanoke had returned to the protection of the guns of Fortress 
Monroe. The terrible news had caused a panic throughout 
the North that was distressing, indeed ; but while matters at 
that time appeared very critical, the official records show that 
the Virginia was not then capable of doing a fraction of the 
damage credited to her. She drew twenty-two feet of water, 
was incapable of going to sea in her then condition, and was 
lacking in protection for eight of her ten guns. 

The Virginia's Great Fight on Water. 321 


Relative to the first clay's engagement, that of March 8th, 
there has been no dispute, but on the second day, March 9th', 
the failure of Lieutenant Jones to destroy the Minnesota after 
the Monitor retired to shallow water, when Lieutenant, Wor- 
den was incapacitated by a shot fired by the Virginia, enabled 
claims to be made for the Monitor, which are not sustained by 
official records. It is true that those who had become panic- 
stricken when the reverse of the 8th was flashed to them had 
good reason to rejoice that the Virginia had met the Monitor 
in conflict and that the Minnesota had not been destroyed by 
the former, as was expected would be the case at the close 
of the engagement of the 8th, but it does not justify claims 
that cannot be sustained by the records. The student of these 
records will find that very extravagant claims were made for 
the Monitor, and later on that such claims were not founded 
upon fact. Chief Engineer Stimers, of the Monitor, in a letter 
to Commodore Joseph Smith, under date of March 17th, page 
2J, says : "We fired nothing but solid cast-iron shot, and when 
we were directly abeam of her (Merrimac) and hit her our 
shot went right through her." Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 
G. V. Fox, in a telegram to Major-General George B. McClel- 
lan, at Fairfax Courthouse, dated Navy Department, March 
13th, page 100, says: 

"The Monitor is more than a match for the Merrimac, but 
she might be disabled in the next encounter. * * * The Mon- 
itor may, and I think will, destroy the Merrimac in the next 
fight, but this is hope, not certainty." Despite these expres- 
sions, which are about the strongest that are to be found in 
the volume of records, the claim is here made that — 

1. The monitor on the 9th of March, 1862, was the first to 
retire from the engagement with the Virginia. 

2. That the Monitor and all of the vessels near Old Point 
and the Rip-Raps declined the Virginia's offer to battle on the 
nth of April, 1862, when three transports were taken from 
under the guns of Fortress Monroe and towed to Norfolk. 

3. That on the 8th of May, 1862, when the Monitor and 
five other vessels were bombarding Sewell's Point, just two 

322 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

clays before the evacuation of Norfolk, the entire squadron re- 
tired to Old Point as soon as the Virginia made her appearance 
near Craney Island. 


The Virginia on this last occasion was not accompanied by 
the small squadron that operated with her on the 8th and 9th of 
March, and on the nth of April. She was alone, and had she 
been as vulnerable as Chief Engineer Stimer asserted, and as 
Assistant Secretary Fox hoped, surely there was no need for 
two iron-clads, two sloops-of-war and two gun-boats to retire 
to shelter as they did. 

The report of the second day's engagement, March 9th, 
made by Lieutenant Catesby Jones to Captain Buchanan, is 
very brief. Captain Buchanan's report embraced the opera- 
tions of both days, March 8th and 9th. It is dated Naval Hos- 
pital, March 27th, 1862, and was forwarded to Secretary Mal- 
lory, who turned it over to Jefferson Davis, and was by the 
latter submitted to the Confederate Congress on the 10th of 
April, 1862. The report of Lieutenant Jones was as follows. 
"At daylight on the 9th we saw that the Minnesota was still 
ashore, and that there was an iron battery near her. At 8 
o'clock we ran down to engage them (having previously sent 
the killed and wounded out of the ship) firing at the Minne- 
sota and occasionally at the iron battery. The pilots did not 
place us as near as they expected, the great length and draft 
of the ship rendered it exceedingly difficult to work her. We 
ran ashore about a mile from the frigate and were backing 
fifteen minutes before we got off. We continued to fire at the 
Minnesota and blew up a steamer alongside of her, and we 
also engaged the Monitor, sometimes at very close quarters. 
We once succeeded in running into her and twice silenced 
her fire. The pilots declaring that we could get no nearer the 
Minnesota, and believing her to be entirely disabled, and the 
Monitor having run into shoal water, which prevented our 
doing her any further injury we ceased firing at 12 o'clock and 
proceeded to Norfolk." 


Lieutenant Jones was subjected to criticism for failing to 

The Virginia's Great Fight on Water. 323 

destroy the Minnesota when he had that vessel so completely 
in his power, and the Confederate naval authorities appeared 
to be dissatisfied with his action. To justify himself he wrote 
to several of his brother officers on the Virginia, who had 
advised him to return to Norfolk when he did, and of the re- 
plies that he received, that of Lieutenant Hunter Davidson, 
dated October 25, 1862, was the most interesting, as it empha- 
sized the fact that the Monitor retired to shoal water some 
time before the Virginia was headed for Norfolk. Lieutenant 
Jones, in his letter to Lieutenant Davidson, said: "The action 
lasted four hours. We had run into the Monitor, causing us 
to leak, and received a shot from her which came near dis- 
abling the machinery, but continued to fight her until she was 
driven into shoal water." The following is a portion of Lieu- 
tenant Davidson's letter : It can be found on pages 60 and 61 : 
"The Monitor engaged so much of your attention you had little 
time to attack the Minnesota, as it was evident the former's 
object was to relieve the latter by drawing us off. Whilst 
this novel warfare was going on the Virginia was run aground 
by the pilots ; and remained so for about three-quarters of an 
hour, I think. 

"It was during the grounding of the Virginia that the Mon- 
itor received her coup de grace and hauled off on the shoals 
out of reach of our guns and gave us the opportunity to fire 
about eleven shells from my big bow gun at the Minnesota, 
six of which, not exploding prematurely as the rest did, 
appeared to take effect, although we were a mile distant.* * * 
When the Virginia was floated again I was informed that the 
pilots declared that it was impossible for us to get nearer the 
Minnesota. This circumstance, together with the fact that our 
officers and men were completely broken down by two days' 
and a night's continuous work with the heaviest rifled ordnance 
in the world, and that the ship was believed to be seriously in- 
jured by ramming and sinking the Cumberland, and that if 
she should run aground and remain so in attempting to reach 
the Minnesota, she would probably open forward, where her 
horn had split the stem, and become an easy prey to the enemy, 
and in consideration also that the Monitor was drawn off and 
sought safety in shoal water and that the Minnesota was 

324 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

crippled beyond the hope of safety, induced you, by the advice 
of the lieutenants whom you consulted, to return to Norfolk. 
I still think, as I then thought, that it was the proper course 
for you to pursure, and that you had made the best fight of 
the two . days engagement." 


Lieutenant Greene, on March 12th, three days after the Sun- 
day engagement between the ironclads, reported to Secretary 
Gideon Wells: Captain Worden then sent for me and told 
me to take charge of the vessel. We continued the action 
until 12:15 P. M., when the Merrimac retreated to Sewell's 
Point and we went to the Minnesota and remained by her until 
she was afloat." Evidently Lieutenant Greene, at the time this 
report was made, had been relieved of his command, as on 
page 92, in a report made to Secretary Wells by Captain John 
Marston, senior officer, dated March 11, 1862, this sentence 
occurs: "I also yesterday ordered Lieutenant Thomas O. 
Self ridge to command the Monitor, the appointment subject 
to the approval of Flag Officer L. M. Goldsborough." As 
the engagement occurred on the 9th it would appear from the 
above that a new commander for the Monitor was appointed the 
following day, the 10th. 

That the evidence of Captain Van Brunt, of the Minnesota, 
does not support the statement of Lieutenant Greene, is shown 
by this extract: "As soon as she got off she stood down the 
bay, the little battery chasing her with all speed, when sud- 
denly Merrimac turned around and ran full speed into her an- 
tagonist. For a moment I was anxious, but instantly I saw 
a shot plungs into the iron roof of the Merrimac, which sure- 
ly must have damaged her. For some time after the rebels 
concentrated their whole battery upon the tower and pilot-house 
of the Monitor, and soon after the latter stood down for Fort- 
ress Monroe, and we thought it probable she had exhausted 
her supply of ammunition or sustained some injury. Soon after 
the Merrimac and the two other steamers headed for my ship, 
and I then felt to the fullest extent my condition." 

The language of Captain Van Brunt, although differently 
expressed, is in substance the same as that of Lieutenants 

The Virginia's Great Fight on Water. 325 

Catesby Jones and Hunter Davidson — that the Monitor retired 
from the engagement before the Virginia did. 

The following items as to the anchor and beams of the first 
iron-clad, which revolutionized naval warfare, may be of interest 
to add: 

"Norfolk, Va., January 25. — As the result of her mud hook 
getting afoul of something in Hampton Roads yesterday a 
fishing schooner was the innocent cause of the discovery of 
the lost anchor and chain of the Confederate armor clad ''Mer- 
rimac,' or 'Virginia'." 

The stock in the anchor is black walnut. Live Oak was gen- 
erally used, but this material ran out during the war, and other 
kinds of wood had to be used. The stock is of two pieces, 
shaped in the centre to fit around the shank, between the shoul- 
ders, and the two pieces are held together by stout iron bands. 
The shank is fourteen feet long, and a foot thick. The stock 
is two feet through in the middle, and was originally fourteen 
feet long, but part of one of the arms is gone. 

It is stated that the Jamestown Department of History and 
Education will endeavor to obtain the anchor for exhibition. 

Some years ago the propeller shaft of the "Virginia" was raised 
and placed in front of the Confederate Museum, which building 
was the residence of President Davis, the White House of the 
Confederacy, in Richmond. 

This elicited the following, which appeared in the Portsmouth 
Virginia Star of June 27, 1907: 

"The finding of the anchor of the Merrimac a few days 
ago off Craney Island, and the interest that has been awakened 
in relics of the old ship thereby, makes doubly interesting the 
fact that in a house in Portsmouth are two of the great ship's 
beams of the first ironclad. They are still in a good state of 

They have been in the possession of the family of Mr. Peter 

326 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Cosgrove of this city and he has had them for the past thirty- 
seven years. 

Learning that there was a possibility of the restoration of 
the original form of the famous vessel, in the form of a model, 
Mr. Cosgrove addressed the following letter to Hon. H. L. 
Maynard, representative from this district, offering to donate 
one of the beams to the government. In part he writes: 

" 'My father got these beams thirty-seven years ago at 
Craney Island. With my two brothers brought the beams up 
to the old Cosgrove home in Park View, where they were 

" 'These beams are now part of the foundation of the old 
house and are in an excellent state of preservation. I am 
prepared to furnish affidavits as to their genuineness, if the 
government desires them for use in its exhibit'." 

So far as The Star knows, Mr. Cosgrove is misinformed 
regarding the intention of the government or of the exposition 
to build a model of the Merrimac, but the fact remains that 
the original beams of the boat, together with the old anchor 
verified as having belonged to her, would make a most notable 
exhibition. Both relics will likely be devoted to this use." 

Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg. 327 

From the Times-Dispatch, May 6, 1906. 


Graphic Story Told by Late Colonel Joseph C. Mayo 
Third Virginia Regiment. 

Why Don't They Support Us— Why the "Unknown 
Private Beyond" Had to Be Killed That Day. 

Richmond, Va., April 24, 1906. 

Editor of The Times-Dispatch: 

Sir, — I send you an account of Gettysburg by the late Col. 
Joseph Mayo, of the Third Virginia Infantry, Kemper's bri- 
gade. This gallant officer was a Virginia Military Institute 
man, and like every other field officer of Pickett's division, with- 
out a single exception, he was stricken in the dreadful assault. 
It has sometimes been said that all of Pickett's field officers were 
wounded except Major Joseph C. Cabell, of Danville. This is 
a mistake. He also was shot in the charge, though not severely. 

It was stated that Col. Eppa Hunton, of the Eighth Virginia 
Infantry, Garnett's brigade, rode his horse throughout the action 
until both he and his horse were shot. Having his painful 
wound attended, he turned to ride forward again when his 
horse fell dead. 

The account is a graphic one and bears the impress of truth. 

Col. J. B. Bachelder, in his account of Gettysburg, states that 
Pickett's men chased the enemy beyond the point where Arm- 
istead fell. 

Col Mayo's account tells the story of a private who fell twenty 
paces beyond that point. Col. Mayo some years since passed 
over the river. His surviving comrades will read with interest 
the story of their deeds from his pen. 

Very truly yours, 

Jno. W. Daniel. 

328 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg. 

The order of march into the enemy's country was left in 
front; first Ewell's, then Hill's, and, lastly, Longstreet's corps, 
of which Armistead's, Garnett's and Kemper's brigades of 
Pickett's Division, brought up the rear. The other two brigades, 
those of Corse and Jenkins, were absent on detached service. 
We reached Chambersburg early on the evening of June 27th, 
and stayed there until hastily summoned to the scene of hostili- 
ties on the morning of the 2d of July, having been employed 
in the meantime, in tearing up the railroad track and demolish- 
ing the depot and other buildings. A forced march of twenty- 
five miles brought us, at about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, to 
the stone bridge on the Cashtown and Gettysburg Turnpike, 
within cannon shot of the battle-field. Here General Pickett 
sent Col. Walter Harrison, of his staff, to tell General Lee of 
our arrival and readiness for action. 


The answer came to find a camp and await further orders. 
Before dawn the following morning, we moved to our place 
in the line, our march being carefully concealed from the 
enemy's view. Soon after we got into position, some two hun- 
dred yards in the rear of the batteries on Seminary Ridge, 
General Lee passed in front of us, coming from the right, and 
a little while afterwards every man in the ranks was made to 
know exactly what was the work which had been cut out for 
us. I remember perfectly well General Kemper's earnest in- 
junction to me to be sure that the Third Virginia was told 
that the commanding general had assigned our division the 
post of honor that day. He was a Virginian; so were they. 
Then the arms were stacked and the men allowed to rest at 
will ; but one thing was especially noticeable ; from being un- 
usually merry and hilarious they on a sudden had become as 
still and thoughtful as Quakers at a love feast. Walking up 
the line to where Colonel Patton was standing in front of the 
Seventh, I said to him, "This news has brought about an 
awful seriousness with our fellows, Taz." "Yes,", he replied, 

Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg. 329 

"and well they may be serious if they really know what is in 
store for them. I have been up yonder where Dearing is, and 
looked across at the Yankees." 

Then he told me a good joke he had on our dashing and 
debonair chief of artillery. He had ridden out on the skirmish 
line to get a closer observation of the enemy's position, when a 
courier galloped up with a message from General Lee. Natur- 
ally he supposed Mars Robert wished to ask him what he had 
seen of those people that was worth reporting; but he was woe- 
fully mistaken. This was all the General had to say: "Major 
Dearing, I do not approve of young officers needlessly exposing 
themselves ; your place is with your batteries." While we were 
talking an order came to move up nearer the artillery. This 
was done, and the final preparations made for the advance. 
Here let me say that General Kemper's memory was at fault 
when he said in his letter to Judge David E. Johnston, dated 
February 4, 1886, that he and General Garnett were the only 
officers of Pickett's Division who went into that battle mounted. 
He himself gave Col. Lewis B. Williams, of the First, permis- 
sion to keep his horse, as he was too unwell to walk, and after 
the General was shot down I saw two of his staff, Captain Wil- 
liam O. Fry and Orderly Walker, still on horseback. 


Meantime the blazing sun has reached and passed the meri- 
dian, and the long, painful interval of suspense is swallowed up 
in the excruciating reality. Where the Third and the greater 
part of the Seventh lay •there was a depression in the ridge, 
exposing them to the full fury of the tempest of shot and shell 
which soon came raining down upon them. A faint conception 
of its indescribable horror may be gathered from a few incidents 
of which I retain to this day a shuddering recollection. At 
the sound of the signal guns I went to the centre of the regi- 
ment in front of the flag, and sat down upon a pile of blankets 
resembling a coil of rope; but the intolerable heat of the sun 
quickly drove me back to the shelter of the apple tree, under 
which men and officers of both regiments were crowded to- 
gether thick as herring in a barrel, where I managed to squeeze 
in between Colonel Patton and Colonel Collcote. 

330 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


The first shot or two flew harmlessly over our heads; but 
soon they began to get the range, and then came — well, what 
General Gibbon, on the other side, called "pandemonium." 
First there was an explosion in the top of our friendly tree, 
.sending a shower of limbs upon us. In a second there was 
another, followed by a piercing shriek, which caused Patton 
to spring up and run to see what was the matter. Two killed 
outright and three frightfully wounded, he said on his return. 
Immediately after a like cry came from another apple tree close 
by in the midst of the Third. Company F had suffered terri- 
bly; First Lieutenant A. P. Gomer, legs shattered below the 
knee ; of the Arthur brothers, second and third lieutenants, one 
killed and the other badly hit; Orderly Sergeant Murray mor- 
tally wounded, and of the privates, one killed and three wound- 
ed. Then, for more than an hour it went on. Nearly every 
minute the cry of mortal agony was heard above the roar and 
rumble of the guns. In his modest book, "Four Years a Sol- 
dier," one who was left for dead under that apple tree de- 
scribes it in these feeling words : "Turn you where you would, 
there were to be seen at almost every moment of time guns, 
swords, haversacks, human flesh and bones flying and dang- 
ling in the air or bouncing above the earth, which now trembled 
beneath us as shaken by an earthquake. Over us, in front of 
us, behind us, in our midst and through our ranks, poured solid 
shot and bursting shell dealing out death on every hand ; yet 
the men stood bravely at their post in an open field with a blis- 
tering July sun beating upon their unprotected heads." Doubt- 
less there would have been some consolation to know, as we 
afterwards learned, that our blue-coated friends over the way 
were in the same, if not in a worse predicament. General Gibbon 
who with Hancock's Corps held the position we were about to 
storm says of the execution done by our batteries that it ex- 
ceeded anything he had dreamed of in artillery warfare; and I 
believe it is now an admitted historical fact that from the time 
that the " nimble gunner with limstock the devilish cannon 
touched," that awful din at Gettysburg was the most tearful 
sound that ever pealed from the "red throat of roaring war." 

Pickett's Charge, at Gettysburg. 331 

Colonel Patton called my attention to the gallant bearing of 
Major Dearing, as he galloped, flag in hand, from gun to gun 
of his battalion and suggested that it would be safer for us 
to close up on the artillery; but I told him he must not think of 
moving without orders and, besides, it was evident that the 
enemy's fire was rapidly abating, and that the storm would soon 
be over. The words were barely spoken before it came again; 
our turn now. I thought at first that it was my adjutant, John 
Stewart, as a handful of earth mixed with blood and brains 
struck my shoulder; but they were two poor fellows belonging 
to Company D (one of them, I remember, had a flaming red 
head), and another, as we believed, mortally hurt, Sergeant - 
Major Davy Johnston, of the Seventh, author of the book I 
have quoted. Strange to say, he was at the time lying between 
Colonel Patton, and myself. 


That was among the last shots fired, and as the terrific duel 
was drawing to a close, General Pickett came riding briskly 
down the rear of the line, calling to the men to get up and 
orepare to advance, and "Remember Old Virginia." Our dear 
old Third, it was a heart-rending sight which greeted me as I 
moved along your decimated ranks ! — while quickly, and with- 
out a word of command, the men fell into their places; especial- 
ly to see our color-bearer, Murden, as fine a type of true soldier- 
ship as ever stepped beneath the folds of the spotless stars and 
bars, now lying there stark and stiff, a hideous hole sheer through 
his stalwart body, and his right hand closed in a death grip 
around the staff of that beautiful new flag which to-day for the 
first and last time had braved the battle and the breeze. The 
devoted little column moved to the assault, with Garnett, and 
Kemper in front, and Armistead behind in close supporting 
distance. Soon after clearing our batteries it was found neces- 
sary to change direction to the left. While conducting the 
movement, which was made in perfect order under a galling 
flank fire from the Round Top, General Pickett, for the second 
time, cautioned me to be sure and keep the proper interval 
with General Garnett; Armistead was expected to catch up and 

332 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

extend the line on the left. Then we swept onward again, 
straight for the Golgotha of Seminary Ridge, half a mile dis- 
tant, across the open plain. As we neared the Emmettsburg 
road, along which, behind piles of rails, the enemy's strong 
line of skimishers was posted, General Kemper called to me to 
give attention to matters on the left, while he went to see what 
troops those were coming up behind us. Glancing after him, 
I caught a glimpse of a small body of men, compact and solid 
as a wedge, moving swiftly to the left oblique, as if aiming to 
uncover Garnett's Brigade. They were Armistead's people, 
and as Kemper cantered down their front on his mettlesome 
sorrel they greeted him with a rousing cheer, which I know made 
his gallant heart leap for joy. At the same moment I saw a 
disorderly crowd of men breaking for the rear, and Pickett, 
with Stuart Symington, Ned Baird. and others, vainly trying- to 
stop the rout. And now the guns of Cushing and Abbott double- 
stocked by General Gibbon's express order, reinforced the terri- 
fic fire of the infantry behind the stone fence, literally riddling 
the orchard on the left of the now famous Cordori house, 
through which my regiment and some of the others passed. 

"don't crowd, boys" — "pretty hot" — "perfectly rediculous." 

While clearing this obstruction, and as we were getting into 
shape again, several things were impressed on my memory. 
First, the amusement it seemed to afford Orderly Waddy For- 
ward, who might, if he pleased, have stayed behind with the 
horses, to see me duck my head as a ball whizzed in an ace 
of my nose ; next, to see Captain Lewis, of Company C, 
looking as lazy and lackadaiscal, and, if possible, more tired 
and bored than usual, carrying his sword point foremost over 
his shoulder, and addressing his company in that invariable 
plaintive tone, half command, half entreaty, "Don't crowd, 
boys ; don't crowd." "Pretty hot, Captain," I said in passing. 
"It's redicklous, Colonel; perfectly redicklous" — which, in his 
vocabularly, meant as bad as bad could be ; then Captain Tom 
Hodges directing my attention to a splendid looking Federal 
officer, magnificently mounted, straining his horse at full speed 
along the crest of a hill a hundred yards in our front, and both 

Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg. 333 

of us calling to the skirmishers, "Don't shoot him! don't shoot 
him !" and, lastly, the impetuous Kemper, as rising in his stir- 
rups and pointing to the left with his sword, he shouted, "There 
are the guns, boys, go for them." It was an injudicious order; 
but they obeyed with a will, and mingled with Garnett's peo- 
ple pushed rapidly up the heights. 

Within a few steps of the stone fence, while in the act of shak- 
ing hands with General Garnett and congratulating him on be- 
ing able to be with his men (he had been seriously ill a few 
days before), I heard some one calling to me, and turning my 
head, saw that it was Captain Fry. He was mounted, and 
blood was streaming from his horse's neck. Colonel Terry 
had sent him to stop the rush to left. The enemy in force 
(Standard's Vermonters) had penetrated to our rear. He told 
me that Kemper had been struck down, it was feared mortally. 
With the help of Colonel Carrington, of the Eighteenth, and 
Major Bentley, of the Twenty-fourth, I hastily gathered a small 
band together and faced them to meet the new danger. After 
that everything was a wild kaleidoscopic whirl. A man near 
me seemed to be keeping a tally of the dead for my especial 
benefit. First it was Patton, then Collcote, then Phillips, and 
I know not how many more. Colonel Williams was knocked 
out the saddle by a ball in the shoulder near the Drick-house, 
and in falling was killed by his sword. His little bay mare 
kept on with the men in the charge. I can see her now as she 
came limping and sadly crippled down the hill. I saw her 
again at Williamsport in care of his faithful man Harry, who 
asked me what I thought old master would say when she was 
all belonging to Mars Lewis he had to take home. Seeing the 
men as they fired, throw down their guns and pick up others 
from the ground, I followed suit, shooting into a flock of blue 
coats that were pouring down from the right, I noticed how 
close their flags were together. Probably they were the same 
people whom Hood and McLaws had handled so roughly the 
day before. "Used up," as General Meade said of them. Sud- 
denly there was a hissing sound, like the hooded cobra's whisper 
of death, a deafening explosion, a sharp pang of pain some- 
where, a momentary blank, and when I got on my feet again 

334 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

there were splinters of bone and lumps of flesh sticking to my 
clothes. Then I remembered seeing lank Tell Taliaferro, adju- 
tant of the Twenty-fourth, jumping like a kangaroo and rubbing 
his crazy bone and blessing the Yankees in a way that did credit 
to old Jube Early's one-time law partner, and handsome Ocey 
White, the boy lieutenant of Company A, taking off his hat to 
show me where a ball had raised a whelk on his scalp and car- 
ried away one of his pretty flaxen curls, and lastly, "Old Buck" 
Terry, with a peculiarly sad smile on his face, standing with 
poor George and Val Harris and others, between the colors of 
the Eleventh and Twenty-fourth, near where now is the pretty 
monument of Colonel Ward, of Massachusetts. I could not hear 
what he said, but he was pointing rearwards with his sword, 
and I knew what that meant. 

As I gave one hurried glance over the field we had traversed, 
the thought in my mind was repeated at my side, "Oh ! Colonel, 
why don't they support us?" It was Walker, General Kemper's 
orderly, unhorsed, but still unscathed and undaunted, awkward, 
ungainly, hard-featured, g-ood-natured, simple-minded, stout- 
hearted Walker, one of the Eleventh boys, I believe; only a 
private doing his duty with might and main and recking no 
more of glyy than the ox that has won the prize at a cattle 
show. At the storming of the Redan when Wyndham's forlorn 
hope tumbled into the ditch and couldn't get out, owing to the 
scarcity of ladders, and the few they had were too short, the 
men huddled together dazed and bewildered, and were mowed 
down like dumb beasts by the Muscovite rifles, because there 
were no officers left to lead them. There was a notable excep- 
tion, an Irishman, scrambling up the scrap, he shouted, "Come 
up, boys, follow the captain." The captain fell, but Pat went 
on to immortality. It was not so that day at Gettysburg. 


Twenty paces beyond the spot which is marked to tell where 
stout old Armistead fell, the foremost hero of them all, an hum- 
ble private, without a name, bit the dust. The man in blue 
who told the story had a seam in his cheek. "I tried to save 

PickeWs Charge at Gettysburg. 335 

him, but he would not give up, so I had to kill him to save my 
own life." "What orders do you leave us, my lord, if you are 
killed?" asked Hill of Wellington when the pounding was hard- 
est on the famous plateau at Waterloo. "Do as I am doing," 
he replied, and turning to the men, he said, "Boys, you can't 
think of giving away. Remember old England." And well 
it was for old England that behind the Iron Duke was a wall 
of iron men. Calling to the group around me to spread them- 
selves, I led the way back to the woods in rear of our guns on 
Seminary Ridge. Realizing painfully our own sad plight, we 
were, of course, anxiously concerned for the rest of our people. 
But soon Mars Robert came along, followed by his faithful 
aides, the two Charleses — Venable and Marshall. How ineffa- 
bly grand he appeared — a very anointed king of command, pos- 
ing for the chisel of a Phidias, and looking on him we knew 
that the army was safe. 

So ended our part in the day's bloody work. 

336 Souther?}. Historical Society Papers. 

From the Richmond News-Leader, January 21, 1907. 


John Skelton Williams Tells of the South's Great 

Forward March — Talks to Virginians 

Living in Atlanta. 

Startling Figures of Development and How the 

Cotton Growers Could Tie Up the 

Commerce of the World. 

On Saturday the Virginia Society of Atlanta, Ga. , gave a banquet 
in honor of General Lee's birthday. John Skelton Williams was 
the orator of the occasion. While his address in a great measure 
was statistical, many of his facts and figures are new and some of 
them are startling, and they will be found of intense interest by 
thinking people of the South and North. The address follows: 


General Lee was one of the few men who have lived whose great- 
ness and glory culminated with defeat and who won from disaster 
the ever-deepening love, the ever-rising reverence of mankind. 
I say he was. He is. His character and his qualities, which are 
the essentials and the realities of a man, live. As those who knew 
and followed him in his lifetime die, the hosts of those who know 
and love him multiply continually. With his body resting quietly 
in its humble grave in a little Virginia town these thirty- six years, 
his fame spreads more widely. An immediate personal recollection 
of him recedes along the ever-lengthening vista of time and becomt s 
dim and misty, the world beyond the boundaries of the dead 
republic for which he fought learns him more intimately, feels more 
strongly the power of his sublimity. As the serene white light of 
history shines upon him more clearly and more brightly it shows 
him rising ever higher and more majestic and reveals to humanity 
that one of its highest ideals is realized, one of its noblest concep- 
tions is personified, its foremost hero and gentleman presented to 
it in this beaten leader of a vanished army, this baffled hope of a 

Advance Jrom Appomattox. 337 

country stricken from the map and now but a loved name and a 
cherished memory. 

As Lee is among - the few who from defeat and disaster have grown 
to glory ever increasing, so the people whom he led and whose old 
ideals his life expressed, are conspicuous in history in marching 
from surrender to conquest, in coming through humiliation to 
victory, to dazzling achievement through subjugation. The South 
has marched straight over stone strewn roads and towering obstacles 
from Appomattox to Empire. 

During weeks of early springtime weather in that fateful year of 
1865, the roads were crowded with men wearily trodding to distant 
homes — men who were ragged and ill-fed, war-worn and weather- 
beaten, the valiant units of peerless armies overcome and disinte- 
grated. Behind them lay glory veiled in cloud and hope smitten 
down, and they faced doubt and desolation. Each man carried a 
sore and anxious heart to the home from which he had marched 
long months before with heart beating high, throbbing for the fierce 
joy of battle and confident of conquest. Some of the homes to 
which thoughts and footsteps turned when the last gun had been 
stacked and the last flag furled were humble and remote, some 
stately, and formerly the centers of bountiful and princely hospitality, 
some but heaps of ashes and all were in the shadow of fear for the 
future in the very grip and bitterness of poverty. Yet to each of 
these homes — in the lonely mountains, along the coasts or plains, 
in city, village and hamlet — each man returning from the war bore 
with him a purpose and an inspiration. 

General Lee did not need the stern discipline of the army or the 
articles of war to exact obedience from those who followed him. 
His spirit pervaded his camps. The mightiness and the beauty of 
his soul were felt and shared regardless of distance or difference in 
military rank. These men continued to be Lee's men after they 
had ceased to be Lee's soldiers. They bore home with them his 
pure courage, his deathless faith, his calm but indomitable deter- 
mination that for the South defeat should not meam despair, and 
disppointment should not bring with it ruin and obliteration. At 
Spotsylvania the Texans sent "Lee to the rear," and by the power 
of their love for Lee burst through smoke and with bullets crowding 
the air swept over tangled field of the wilderness. Lee was sent to 
the rear at Appomattox, but Lee's men and Lee's woman have 
come steadily forward against dangers such as never before had 

338 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

threatened an established civilization, through tangles of perplexi- 
ties and problems such as never before confronted and bewildered 
a people. The sons and , the grandsons, the daughters and the 
granddaughters of Lee's men and Lee's women have continued the 
advance steadily. We people and pupils of Lee have done work 
his soul would exult to look upon. The waste places have been 
built up. The barren and fallow fields have been made to yield 
boundless wealth and ever-increasing power. From ashes and 
death and desolation Lee's people in Lee's land have established 
life and growth, and not only a smiling and peaceful prosperity but 
commercial supremacy. 

No time could be more appropriate than this, Mr. Chairman and 
gentlemen, for some recitation of the results of our advance from 
Appomattox. We have overcome obstacles set thick and deadly 
before us. We have made our foes our friends and cordial co- 
laborers. We have taken our high place among the mighty people 
of whom we are part, and have proved our right to rank with the 
noblest of them. Our victories are expressed, not in dismal lists 
of killed, hurt and prisoners, but in magnificent totals showing the 
additions we make annually to the country's wealth; not in cities 
ravaged, but in cities built; not in trampled fields and devastation, 
but in fields made to bear more abundantly than ever before, and in 
idle and forsaken ground made the site of industry and the places 
of productions. 

Before the wild roses of the summer of 1865 had begun to spread 
their blossoms above the fields where the bloody banners of battle 
waved in the spring, Lee's people were at work. The feet that had 
tramped, tramped, tramped while the boys were marching, and had 
borne brave men onward in tumultuous charge towards death, were 
patiently plodding along the furrows behind the plow. The hands 
that had drawn swords and kept muskets busy were planting, 
working, building. Food was the first consideration, because fam- 
ine stood gaunt at every door, and in many sections the meal bins 
had been scraped and the corn cribs emptied to feed the troops 
at the front or the families of the soldiers at home. Yet even in 
1 865- '6, we produced 2,661,000 bales of cotton and by 1871, in the 
very midst of the calamitous process of reconstruction, we gave the 
world more than four million bales, although six years before we 
had hardlv a dollar or a seed, an animal or a tool, or a dust of fer- 
tilizer to begin with. 

Advance from Appomattox. 339 

In the season of 1879 when the last of the alien State govern- 
ments had been overthrown and order had been conquered from 
social and political chaos, the South produced a cotton crop of 
5,074,155 bales, valued at $250,000,000. For 1906 the value of 
the cotton crop is placed at $650,000,000, an increase of $400,000, 
000 in the same territory, an increase of 160 per cent., while the 
population increased but 60 per cent in the cotton States, showing 
an increase in the value of cotton produced to the individual of 66 
2-3 per cent. The cotton mills in the United States last year con- 
sumed approximately 5,000,000 bales of cotton, or as much as the 
entire cotton crop produced in 1879, and the value of our exports 
of raw cotton for the past season is placed at more than $400,000, 
000. The crop of 1879, with which this comparison is made, was, 
at that time, the largest the South had ever raised, the production 
having more than doubled in the preceding ten years, or since 1869, 
when the total crop was 2,366,467 bales. The mere recitation of 
these results, however, does not impress the average mind. People 
of this age are too accustomed to thinking in millions to be easily 
awed by figures. 

I ask you to dwell, however, for a moment upon the remarkable 
fact that the cotton growing States of the South have, during the 
past six years, received for their cotton approximately thirty-three 
hundred million dollars, or more than the aggregate of the preced- 
ing ten years. This means that the cotton crops raised in the 
Southern States during these last six years have exceeded in value 
the total product of all the gold mines of the world from the dis- 
covery of America up to the year 1850. 

Each cotton crop since 1900 has exceeded in value the greatest 
cotton crop raised prior to that year. The South is now an empire 
to which we may say that practically all the rest of the world is 
tributary and more or less dependent, not for a luxury, or a thing 
that can be easily dispensed with, but for one of the chief neces- 
sities of life. 

Let us pause for a moment to consider the consequences which 
would ensue if the people of the South should decide for only one 
year to grow no more cotton than enough to supply their own im- 
mediate requirements, and not export a bale. As the South now 
produces three-fourths of all the cotton raised in the world, it fol- 
lows that about three-fourths of the cotton mills of the world would 
have to cease running and begin to rest. Ten million people in the 

340 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

British Isles, it is said, derive their support directly or indirectly 
from the cotton industry. These gigantic armies of workers would 
be brought to the verge of starvation. The industries of Great 
Britain would be paralyzed, and the economists admit that a period 
of general industrial depression and financial panic would probably 
ensue more severe than any recorded in the past in any country. 
It is not easy for the imagination to realize the conditions of misery, 
want and nakedness which would come with the civilized world 
shut off from its supply of American cotton. Clothing would be 
scarce; the ships that ply the seas would be without canvas for sails, 
armies would be without tents, the great dry-goods stores whose 
merchandise is mainly cotton fabrics, would have to close and their 
employes would join the throngs of the idle. Keep before you that 
fact that the people who would be the least of all affected by such 
conditions would be the Southern people. On their own soil they 
can raise every other crop which they may need to supply them 
with food or vesture, and funds for living quite as easily as the 
farmers of Pennsylvania, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana or Illinois, who, 
with an abundance of corn and wheat and wool, have never yet 
raised, or attempted to raise, a pound of cotton. 

The people of Great Britain know all this. They are well aware 
of the fearful losses, the demoralization and starvation which would 
inevitably follow in the wake of a cotton famine. Therefore, it is 
that the English government has for the past fifty years periodically 
taken alarm and agitated the question of opening new cotton fields 
in other countries, so as to mitigate to some extent England's de- 
pendence upon our Southern cotton fields. At a conference re- 
cently held at the foreign office in London, attended by the premier 
and other leading members of the British cabinet, this subject was 
discussed with great earnestness. It was stated there that the con- 
sumption of raw cotton was increasing at the rate of about a half 
million bales a year, and it was declared that even a shortage of 25 
per cent in the cotton supply would mean a loss to British industries 
of a million and a half to two million dollars a week. Thus, it is 
for patriotic, as well as commerical reasons, that the countries of 
Europe renew from time to time the extraordinary but futile efforts 
which they have been making during the last fifty years to develop 
a supply of cotton in other portions of the globe. The suggestion 
has been made and is being seriously discussed in English papers, 
that a sufficient amount of English capital should be invested in 

Advance from Appomattox. 341 

lands in the Southern States to secure the raising of at least 3,000,- 
000 bales a year for the English mills. In 1905 Great Britain im- 
ported 4,407,000 bales of cotton, while the value of the manufact- 
ured cotton goods which that country exported is placed at more 
than $447,000,000. 

The South is now producing approximately about three times as 
much cotton as the rest of the world combined, and the proportion 
of the world's supply produced in the Southern States is increasing 
rather than diminishing. 

There is produced in the whole of Egypt scarcely more than 
one-third of the cotton produced in Texas, and the production of 
cotton in Egypt is practically stationary, last year's production 
there being considerably below the average for the previous three 
years. There is produced in the whole of India scarcely more 
than in the State of Texas, and of that production more than one- 
half is consumed locally, leaving but a limited supply for export. 

The advantages which we possess over Great Britain for the 
manufacture of cotton are undeniable, and will be still further 
emphasized with the opening of the Panama canal, putting us in 
close touch with the West coast of South America and the Orient, 
where our markets are constantly widening. A bulletin issued by 
the Department of Commerce and Labor January 5, 1907, on the 
Lancashire cotton trade illustrates the opportunity for development 
which we have when it points out that during the year 1906 there 
have been put to work, organized and placed under construction 
and projected in England new spinning mills which will contain 
8,026,356 spindles, or three-fourths as many spindles as there are 
today in all the Southern States. Surely, if the world is increasing- 
its demands for cotton goods at that rate, we are in the best possi- 
ble position to participate in the great demand and to supply it. 

The development of the cotton milling industry in the Southern 
States since the year 1900 has exceeded all hopes or dreams. The 
increase from 1900 to 1906 in the number of spindles is reported 
by recognized authority, the Manufacturers' Record, of Baltimore, 
to be 5,018,000; this increase alone being approximately three 
times as great as the total number of spindles in operation in the 
South in the year 1890, only sixteen years ago, while the capital 
invested in cotton mills is now reported at $230,000,000 against 
$60,000,000 in 1890. 

Twenty years ago the most ardent friend of the South, the most 

342 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

optimistic believer in its possibilities, would scarcely have dared 
predict the results in material development which we accomplished. 

Four years of bloody, wasting- and destructive war had been 
followed by nearly ten years of plundering, wilder and grosser and 
more reckless than any conquered people ever suffered, of blunder- 
ing, blind, fanatical experiments in government of which the people 
of the South, of both races, were the helpless victims. In i860 
the cotton-growing, slave-owning States contained 1,065,000 men 
of producing age; 900,000 of these fought against the Union 
armies, whose enlisted men numbered 2,800,000. Of the Confed- 
erate soldiers 300,000, one-third were killed, died or disappeared 
under the ominous report of "missing" at the roll calls after the 
battles. The bulk of the South's property, her individual bases of 
credit, was destroyed by proclamation at one stroke of Mr. 
Lincoln's pen. Untold millions of her long accumulated wealth 
invested in Confederate securities, vanished with the Confederacy. 
The land lay waste and barren, stock was destroyed, not even tools 
to work with were left. Cities were heaps of ruins, fields were 
overgrown in weeds and undergrowth. Yet the Confederate 
veteran, hobbling patiently on his unaccustomed crutches or trying 
to guide a worn-out army mule and a broken plow with his one 
remaining arm, had to pay his full share of taxes to the general 
government and contribute to the pension of his prosperous and 
victorious opponent, to pay taxes to his State government, ever 
increasing its extortionate demands, to face the problem of educat- 
ing his own children and the children of four million freed slaves 
and to meet forty per cent, interest on the money he might be able 
to borrow on his possible crop to secure the means to make it. 
More than this, he had to reorganize his civilization, to meet a 
thousand new and hard conditions, to reconstruct society and 
politics, to learn a new life and new conditions, and to do it all in 
the face of a general government which did not understand him or 
his troubles or purposes, and of carpetbag State government's 
intent only on repressing him and draining him to the last drop of 
his agonized possibilities. 

The pages of history present no parallel — no instance of any 
conquered people subjected to the hardships and difficulties which 
were thrust upon our Southern people in the dark and hopeless 
years of reconstruction which followed the Civil War. Four million 
former slaves were turned loose, and the reigns of government 

Advance from Appomattox. 343 

placed in their hands, by majority rule, protected and encouraged 
by Federal bayonets. Neither the Persians, after Alexander's 
conquest of the East, nor Rome, after the Goths and Vandals had 
laid waste the Eternal city, nor the countries of Europe after the 
Napoleonic conquest, were called upon to face the appalling- burden 
of -government by former slaves, so recently, so very recently 
emerged from absolute barbarism. We are told that there are still 
in the South old black men and women whose memory takes them 
back to their early life in the jungle, and I have heard my father 
tell of an old slave of his grandfather's plantation who knew the 
choice cuts of the human carcass, as a result of her early cannibal 
life on the African coast. Mighty Rome did not recover in a 
thousand years from the blow when struck down and ravaged by 
Alaric and his Northern barbarians. Yet, it is now scarcely forty 
years from Appomattox, and the South has regained all her losses 
and has forced her way triumphantly forward to the very foremost 
rank among the nations. 

Nothing is needed, surely, to convince the world that the land 
that can yield restoration, growth, power, prosperity and supremacy 
of the world's markets from such conditions, is beyond the possi- 
bility of exhaustion. No evidence is needed to give assurance for 
our race. It came through two centuries and a half of enervating 
influences of slavery, of pastoral prosperity and kindly feudalism, 
through four years of desperate and devastating war; through ten 
years of sorrow, inexpressible poverty, humiliation, doubt and 
oppression, with work to do such as no people ever had to do and 
no help in doing it. It came through all these varying tests and 
trials, tempting and assailing every possibility of human weakness, 
with manhood maintained, with standards and ideals held high 
above all the rack and strain of long indolence, of carnage and 
affliction and fearful dangers, with civilization untainted, patriotism . 
pure and strong, courage never faltering. In the blood of these 
people the seeds of cowardice, treason or decadence never have 
been sown. Each new burden was carried bravely, with smiling 
lip and fearless eye and faces turned ever to the roads leading- 
upward — how steep and how far they seemed — and towards the light 
of the morning — how wan and distant it gleamed then! Each new 
horror and danger was faced dauntlessly as became the begotten 
by lions of lions' mates. Sturdily, steadily, patiently and fear- 
lessly as Lee's people pressed up the hill and broke through 

346 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Chinese empire is not quite sufficient to pay China's bill for the 
manufactured cotton goods which she imports. 

The Secretary of Agriculture, in his report to Congress a few 
weeks ago, made the declaration that the "National welfare has 
been promoted by a few revolutions in agriculture and economics 
to the extent that it has been, and will be, promoted by ten cent 
cotton. The greater part of the cotton planters are out of their 
former bondage to future maintenances, and they are paying no 
enormous rates of interest for advancements — rates which we 
estimated fifteen years ago to average 40 per cent, a year." 

The products of our forests have grown from nine and thirty 
millions in 1880 to more than $250,000,000 last year. Southern 
forests are now the country's main reservoirs of timber, and, as I 
have stood on the docks at Hamburg, I have seen navies of 
merchantmen arriving loaded down with the timber which our 
Southern lumbermen were exchanging for the foreigner's gold. 
Our plains and pastures and the blue grass meadows of Virginia, 
Kentucky and Tennessee can raise cattle enough to supply the 

From the mines and quarries of our hillsides and mountains were 
extracted last year $260,000,000 in value against $20,000,000 in 
1880, 1200 per cent, increase in mining, the results in 1905 in the 
South being three times as great as from all the mines and quarries 
in New England. 

In foreign commerce against exports of $261,000,000 from 
Southern ports in 1880, we find our exports in 1906 amount to 
$642,000,000. During the past five years our exports have 
increased more than 21 percent., while the increase for all the other 
ports of the country are less than 15 per cent. In the same five 
years the imports of the United States increased 46 per cent., while 
the increase of imports throughout Southern harbors exceeded 75 
per cent. 

During the past three years the South exported raw cotton alone 
to foreign countries to the value of approximately twelve hundred 
million dollars. In the fiscal year, i905-'6, in addition to raw 
cotton exported, we sent over 711,000,000 yards of cotton cloth, 
or enough to furnish a suit of clothing to each of 100,000,000 
Chinese, or other Orientals, at seven yards per capita. 

The mighty development in the cotton milling industry in the 

Advance from Appomattox. 347 

Southern States may be said to have begun and to have received 
its great impetus with the Atlanta exposition of 1880. Census 
reports show that in that year there were only 561,360 spindles in 
the Southern States. In one year, from 1905 to 1906, the increase 
in the number of spindles in cotton-growing States amounted to 
1,363,537, or nearly two and a half times the number of spindles in 
the whole South in 1880, while the total number of actual spindles 
in operation in the South in 1906 amounted to 8,994,868, or sixteen 
times as many as we had in 1880, six times as many as we had in 
1890, and twice as many as we had in 1900, six years ago. 

In 1880 the New England States consumed in their cotton mills 
six times as much cotton as the cotton-growing States. In 1906 
the cotton-growing States had not only caught up with New England 
in the manufacture of raw cotton, but the Southern mills actually 
manufactured 15 per cent, more cotton than all the mills in the 
New England States combined. In other words, the Southern 
mills are now manufacturing approximately as much cotton as was 
manufactured in all the States of the Union as late as 1890. 

The cotton milling industry is the most universally profitable, 
and is growing by leaps and bounds. Our cotton mills are rapidly 
introducing their products into foreign countries. In 1895 the 
value of manufactured cotton goods exported amounted to 
$13,789,000. By 1906 this had increased practically fourfold, to 
$52,994,000. Our trade with the Chinese is developing rapidly. 
Ten years ago, in 1895, we sent them manufactured products 
valued at $1,723,000. In 1906 our shipments to China aggregated 

The diversification of Southern manufacturing interests is shown 
in the census report of 1905, from which it is seen that of the 339 
different kinds of general industries reported by this census, 
approximately 80 per cent, are represented in the South. In other 
words, of the many industries carried on in the United States there 
are only about 20 per cent, which are not already being carried on 
in the Southern States, and these 20 per cent, are industries of 
secondary importance. 

Of the 262 different industries of the South, the value of the 
product of the twelve principal ones already exceeds one thousand 
million dollars per annum. 

348 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Speaking here, I cannot forbear an illusion to the magnificent 
part your own city of Atlanta has done in the work of upbuilding. 
It never can be expressed in figures, because the power and effect 
of Atlanta's inspiration and leadership, her tonic force, are incal- 
culable and beyond knowledge, but we may note what the figures 
do tell of this city forty years ago beleagured and a battle ground, 
burned and wasted, a fallen and dismantled fortress. 

The government census of 1905 shows that from 1900 to 1905, 
the value of the product of Atlanta's manufacturing establishments 
increased more than 75 per cent. — a larger relative increase than 
either Chicago, New York, Boston, St. Louis, San Francisco, or 
any other large city in the North or West. 

From 1900 to 1905 there was an increase in the value of manu- 
factured products in the whole United States of 29 per cent. The 
increase of manufactured products in the State of Georgia for the 
same period was 60 per cent., or larger than in any other State in 
the Union east of the Rockies, except the Southern States of North 
Carolina, Louisiana and Texas, where the growth in manufactures 
was about the same as in Georgia. The capital engaged in manu- 
facturing in Georgia for 1906 shows the astonishing increase in six 
years of 70 per cent. * 

As rapidly as their resources have permitted it, the Southern 
States have looked to the increase of educational facilities and the 
multiplication of the common schools. The figures show that 
the expenditures for public schools in 1870-71 in the sixteen 
former slave States and the District of Columbia amounted to 
$10,385,000. Ten years later, at the close of the period of 
reconstruction, or say 1 879-' 80, these expenditures amounted 
to $12,678,000. It was then that the South began to recuper- 
ate. Expenditures for 1890 practically doubled, increasing to 
$24,880,000, while for 1900 the common school expenditures 
amounted to $34,805,000. Year by year the amount has steadily 
increased, until for 1906 the money expended by the sixteen former 
slave-holding Southern States and the District of Columbia for the 
education of the young in their public schools approximated 

Optimist as I am — as I cannot help being when I look backward 
to what we have come through and overcome and around me at the 

Advance from Appomattox. 349 

evidences of what we are and have done— I know that we have 
problems yet to solve, dangers to meet, obstacles to overcome. It 
is no part of my province to discuss the rights or wrongs, the 
necessity or the possibility of the avoidance or the voluntary 
abolition of slavery. But my feeling is that the negro, the corpse 
of a murdered race, whether justly or unjustly, dangled helpless 
about the strong limbs of the South; a weight upon her back — -not 
a crushing weight, because that sturdy and leonine back cannot be 
crushed by any weight that may be piled upon it — but a weight 
and hindrance. Do not understand me as depreciating or denounc- 
ing the negro. He has done the best he could — with the oppor- 
tunities he has had, wonderfully well, I think. Generally speaking, 
and especially when of the older generations, he has done his 
humble and docile and faithful and patient part in building the 
South from the earliest times to the most recent. We, too, have 
done our patient part by him. Since Appomattox the Southern 
white man has spent, as nearly as I can gather from the figures 
available, more than $160,000,000 from his own sweat and brain, 
and at the cost of the education of his own children to be loyal to 
his undertaking and to educate the negro. So the negro has 
outgrown the South for the use it has for him — as a laborer — and 
the South has outgrown or is outgrowing fast, its dependence on 
negro labor. We are educating him for the larger opportunities 
offered him at the North, and he is going there in numbers 
accelerating every year. 

From 1890 to 1900 the negro population of the United States 
increased 18 per cent. The increase, however, in the Eastern and 
Northern States, including New England, New York, New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania, was more than twice the average, or 43 per cent., 
against an average increase in the sixteen Southern States of 16% 
per cent. , and against an increase for the same period in the States of 
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin and Michigan 
of more than 24 per cent. 

We have begun in the South to replace the negro with immigra- 
tion under ruling by w r hich our ports are thrown open wide to the 
world of white people whom we can assimilate — with whom in a 
generation or two we can begin to amalagamate, whom we can ac- 
cept as part of us. This will continue to drive the negro North, 
and when he is there the American people under the unfailing 

350 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

guidance of God, may be trusted to deal with him kindly, gene- 
rously and magnanimously, but so effectually that the divorce shall 
be eternal, and we shall have no mongrelized government or race 
anywhere within this union. 

As a spirit of Lee lives, so the spirit and the underlying instincts 
and purposes of the Confederacy live. These were for the main- 
tenance of the rights of the States, the rights of local self-govern- 
ment, the rights of the individual against the mass, even against 
the government itself. The right of secession from the Union was 
the only right of the States surrendered at Appomattox. The 
other rights promised by the Constitution remain and ought to be 
inviolate, and in the defence of them California is as immediately 
and as deeply interested as Virginia; Massachusetts is as anxious 
and as determined as Florida. The tendency toward centralization 
of power and authority extends from the government to the corpo- 
ration and the individual stockholder, and the minority find them- 
selves alike helpless, their rights disregarded, their protests 
unheeded, their interests not considered; against all this it is the 
right, the duty and the high priviledge of Lee's people to fight 
and to lead the way. The country is caught, but only for the 
moment, between the upper and nether millstones. We have in- 
corporated capital and power on the one side threatening our very 
right to breathe. We have the Federal government on the other 
side offering rescue at the cost of breaking the bulwarks of the 
State lines, making the imperial Commonwealths dependencies by 
the surrender of the sovereignty of the States. 

Steady and stern and sure of purpose as Lee's veterans with 
measured tramp moving on to battle, let the States o( the South 
move; the States that never have and never can be frightened or 
bought because their people can not be scared or bribed. 

This time the Union will be with them in the demand that the 
central government shall recognize itself as the servant of the 
States, bound to help and serve them, pledged and doubly bound 
by double and inviolate vow not to attempt to usurp their functions 
or powers, not to disregard their prerogatives. 

Gigantic combinations of capital are neither healthy nor necess- 
ary for the surest and highest development of a country. The 
great question is how big is it good to be, and at what point should 
"sovereign law the States collected will" step in and say, "so far 

Advance from Appomattox. 351 

shalt thou come and no further, and here shalt thy proud ways be 
stayed." The cotton mill industry has enjoyed tremendous growth 
without the interposition of a trust. In fact, an attempt was made 
to organize a cotton mill trust a few years ago, but the cotton mills 
which were taken into that combination failed ingloriously. 

I have no fears concerning any of these things. I have supreme 
confidence in our fellow citizens of the East and the North and the 
West. Their acceptance now of Lee as the supreme — the sublime, 
the ideal and the perfect type of American manhood and soldier- 
ship — is evidence enough for me of their magnanimous and eager- 
seeking of the best and the highest. 

Forty-two years after Lee's surrender, thirty-six years after Lee's 
death they have become Lee's people. Was ever such a wonder- 
fully sublime climax, such a glittering and amazing and perfectly 
beautiful crown of transcendent glory in the career of any hero of 
history before — that after forty years his former and conquering 
enemies accept him as an ideal and guide and teacher of manhood 
and of the stern and clean military virtues? 

Let me remind you of the tribute of your own matchless orator, 
Benjamin Hill to Lee, most appropriate now for quotation at the 
honoring of Lee's hundredth birthday: 

"He was a foe without hate, a friend without treachery, a soldier 
without cruelty, a victor without oppression, and a victim without 
murmuring. He was a public officer without vice, a private citizen 
without wrong, a neighbor without reproach, a Christian without 
hypocrisy, and a man without guile. He was Ceasar without his 
ambition, Frederick without his tyranny, Napoleon without his 
selfishness, and Washington without his reward. He was as obe= 
dient to authority as a servant, and royal in authority as a true king. 
He was gentle as a woman in life, and modest and pure as a virgin 
in thought. Watchful as a Roman vestal in duty, submissive to law 
as Socrates, and grand in battle as Achilles." 

My dream is — my confident hope is — that the Southern States of 
the Union, with their marvellous gifts of soil and climate, and vary- 
ing and abundant production and their unconquered manhood and 
womanhood, will presently be in the van of this Union of States, 
and will lead it on to compelling power for peace and growth in the 

352 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

world-power of wealth and strength and moral influence, what- 
ever be the process, however many the years that may be required 
for the fulfilment. 

My earnest hope and prayer are that in the advance of our 
country toward world supremacy as in the advance of the South 
from ashes and darkness and desolation to prosperity and wealth, 
all our going may be guided by the manly honesty, the supreme 
courage, the purity of thought of Lee, and that the new South, 
however brilliant its future may be, shall be governed always and 
incite others to be governed, by the rigid sense of personal honor, 
the high chivalry, the plain, straightforward dealing, and the fine 
sense of integrity that marked and honored the old South, and has 
made the memory, the glory and the beauty of it imperishable. 

Woman Saved Richmond City. 353 

From the Neics-Leader, May 16, 1906. 


Thrilling Story of Dahlgren's Raid and Mrs. Seddon's Old 
Blackberry Wine. 

How Governor Wise Got Time to Give Warning. 

[See ante p. 179 the paper of Richard G. Crouch, M. D. — Ed.] 

The following" from the Memphis Cojnmer rial- Appeal, written by 
William Preston Cabell, deals with a thrilling story of the war, 
familiar in most of its aspects to Richmond and Virginia people but 
of unfailing interest, especially because of the local references : 

History has not recorded the fact that Richmond and the lives of 
Jeff Davis and his cabinet were saved by the art of woman. Ever 
since the semi-mythical legend of the rescue of Captain John Smith 
by Pocahontas, all the world reads with romantic interest of the 
saving of men by the hand of woman. 

The daring exploits of Ulric Dahlgren, the one-legged boy-soldier 
who was only 21 when he rode at the head of his regiment, eclipsed 
the wildest legends of adventure of the olden time, and they are 
interwoven with a thrilling episode of unwritten history which reads 
like romance and fiction. 

Early one morning in March, 1864, we were startled by the heavy 
pounding on the oaken doors of Sabot Hill, the charming home of 
James A. Seddon, secretary of war of the Confederacy, and situated 
on the James river, twenty miles above Richmond. 

Mr. Seddon was a lawyer by profession, had been a congress- 
man, and was a man of great refinement, experience in public 
affairs, and wealthy. His wife was the beautiful and brilliant Sallie 
Bruce, one of the large family of that name in Halifax and Char- 
lotte counties. Her sister, Ellen, another famous belle of the Old 
Dominion in the palmy days, was married to James M. Morson, 
and lived on the adjoining plantation, Dover, one of the most aris- 
tocratic homesteads in Virginia. Many of Richmond's inner circle 
enjoyed the famous social gatherings here, where the societv was 
as delightful as that which adorned the literary circles of the British 

354 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

metropolis in the golden age of Scott, Coleridge, Moore, and Leigh 

Mr. Morson and his brother-in-law, Mr. Seddon, each owned 
several sugar plantations in Louisiana, besides cotton lands in 
Mississippi. Just half a mile distant was another typical old Vir- 
ginia residence, Eastwood, owned by Mr. Plumer Hobson, whose 
wife was the accomplished daughter of Governor Henry A. Wise. 
Eastwood was one of the most delightful homes imaginable and the 
abode of refinement and hospitality. Mr. Hobson paid $2,500 for 
Tom, one of the most courtly and graceful butlers, or "dining-room 
servants," as they were in those days called. There were nine 
children of the Seddon home — one of the happiest in all America. 

On the night before the heavy pounding on the Sabot Hill door, 
governor, then Brigadier-General Henry A. Wise, had arrived at 
Eastwood, accompanied by his daughter, Ellen, now Mrs. W. C. 
Mayo, a remarkably clever woman, with rare intellectual gifts and 
literary attainments. The governor had come home on furlough 
from Charleston, S. C, and was joined by his wife, who had pre- 
ceded him, and with his family reunion, anticipated a brief recrea- 
tion amid the charms of one of the most attractive communities in 
the State. He had traveled from Richmond, on the old James 
River and Kanawha canal, on a very slow and primitive boat, called 
the Packet, built very much on the plan of Noah's ark. The mode 
of travel on this ancient canal was something- astonishing. A ditch, 
filled with slimy water, snakes and bullfrogs, and fringed along its 
banks with lily pads and weeping willows, furnished the waterway 
for the Packet. A piece of rope, three damaged mules driven 
tandem, a tin horn and a negro were the accessories, any one of 
which failing, caused the trip on the Packet to be suspended or 
delayed until these necessary paraphernalia were provided. The 
boat was a curiosity, and the toilet facilities for the entire ship's 
company were a comb and brush, fastened by chains to keep them 
from falling overboard, and a tin basin similarly guarded — all 
attached to the side of the boat on a little gangway between the 
kitchen and the cabin. 

General Wise and Mrs. Mayo entered the Eastwood carriage 
which was awaiting them at the wharf less than a mile from the 
Hobson homestead, and as Uncle Ephriam, a famous driver, wheeled 
them along at an exhilarating gait, the candles twinkled in the 
windows, and the lights from the country store glinted on the 

Woman Saved Richmond City. 355 

vehicle, harness and trappings. It was noticed in the starlight that 
the northern sky was aglow with what was supposed to be the 
aurora borealis. Merry, happy greetings and joyous faces met the 
father and daughter as they entered the Eastwood threshold. 
Within, the warmth of great wood fires and the good cheer of a 
delicious supper banished from the good old general every thought 
of war, as he looked over the rich viands and array of luxuries 
before him, and contrasted them with the mess pork, "hard tack," 
"cush," sweet potato coffee, slapjacks, hoppin'-john and hoppin'- 
jinny and all the horrible makeshifts of food he had endured for 
months in camp at the front. What a feast it was ! Genuine coffee 
from Mrs. Seddon's, sugar from Mrs. Morson's and sorghum from 
Mrs. Stanard's. For the first time in many months the general 
laid his head on snowy pillows and tucked himself away, at mid- 
night, in a Christian bed, with linen, lavender-scented sheets, and 
warm, soft blankets, to dream of days gone by, when, at his own 
home by the sea, in time of peace, with oysters, terrapin and can- 
vasback ducks for the feast, judges, statesmen and even presidents 
had been his guests. He sank to rest, in fancy hearing the sound 
of salt waves at his tidewater home, and the sighing of the winds 
through the seaside pines. A soldier of the general's command 
had come up with him on furlough. His home was some miles 
beyond Eastwood, in the back country. 

At daybreak the following morning, he had sped rapidly back to 
Eastwood to tell the household that he had heard "boots and 
saddles " sounded, and to warn his dear old general of the danger. 
The mystery of the aurora borealis was solved; for right around his 
home he had come upon the bivouac of Dahlgren's troopers. 
When he was arousing the family, the enemy was coming on the 
same road, and not more than three or four miles behind him. The 
news chilled every heart with the sense of imminent peril, the 
dream of peace and rest was over, and the ashes on the hearth, 
where last night's revel was held, lay dead. There was hurrying 
for the stables. In an incredibly short time Tom and Ephraim had 
brought to the door Pulaski, the blind warhorse of the general's 
dead son, Captain O. Jennings Wise, of the famous Richmond 
Light Infantry Blues, who had been killed at Roanoke Island, and 
Lucy Washington, Mr. Hobson's thoroughbred riding mare. They 
were not a moment too soon. The general and his son-in-law, 

356 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Mr. Hobson, galloped off with whip and spur to Richmond to 
notify the authorities of the enemy's proximity, and the militia, 
home guard and private citizens were hurried to the trenches. 

Dahlgren's original purpose was to cross the James River at 
either Jude's ferry, on the Morson place, or at Manakin ferry, 
three miles below, and to approach Richmond by the south bank 
of the James. Reaching Belle Isle, he proposed to liberate the 
12,000 Federal prisoners encamped thereon, who, reinforced with 
his regiment, could easily sack the Confederate capital, as Richmond 
was then in an almost defenseless condition, the reserves having 
been sent to Lee at the front. There was found upon Dahlgren's 
body a memorandum, in which the young man had made a wager 
that he would hang Jeff Davis and his cabinet on that raid. But 
the fates were against him, as he was repulsed that evening in a 
desperate charge on the fortifications and later killed. 

He was ignorant of the depth of water at the ferry crossings, and 
therefore paid a burly, black negro man from the Stanard place, 
who professed safe knowledge of the ferry, $10 to pilot the troop 
of cavalry safely across to the south bank. They had not proceeded 
half way across the stream when the advance horsemen were over 
their heads, and one of the number drowned. A retreat was 
promptly ordered, the negro was hanged after a "drum-head" 
court martial, and his body left swinging from a limb over the road- 
side. The neighbors allowed this coal-black corpse to hang there 
for a week as an object lesson to impress the slaves of the vicinage 
with a new idea of Northern feeling toward the blacks. I shall 
never forget when a seven-year-old boy, and passing along the road 
one evening at twilight, how the cold chills ran over me when this 
gruesome spectacle met my horrified vision — the neck of the darky 
thrice its ordinary length and his immense pedal extremities 
suspended scarcely three feet above the ground. When Dahlgren 
and his staff dashed up to the Hobson home at dawn with drawn 
revolvers, one of the men inquired, " Where is the man that hanged 
John Brown?" Mrs. Mayo, who had come out on the porch, 
replied, " If you mean my father, General Wise, he is not in this 
house." At this very moment, Mrs. Mayo could see her father 
and Mr. Hobson entering the woodland in a sweeping gallop about 
400 yards distant on the road to Richmond. The negroes had 
advised Colonel Dahlgren that General Wise was visiting Eastwood, 

Woman Saved Richmond City. 357 

and a hasty search was made for the man who was Governor of 
Virginia when John Brown and his confederates were captured at 
Harper's Ferry and hanged at Charlestown. 

A handsome stone barn on the Morson place, which cost $65,000, 
and three fine stables with the horses in them, were burned that 
morning, and there was great consternation at these three homes — 
all in plain view of each other. At this time Mr. Morson was on a 
visit to his Southern plantations, and his elder children, who were 
left with their aunt at Sabot Hill, could hear the groans of their 
father's horses in the burning stables and see the flames wipe out 
the magnificent buildings at Dover, while the residence was saved 
by the faithful slaves. Dahlgren had been told that Dover was 
Mr. Seddon's home, and his object was to destroy the property 
of the Secretary of War. At Dover, a number of the troops, 
half drunk, found Mrs. Morson' s handsome wardrobe, replete with 
a variety of elegant toilettes, donned her wedding gown and other 
costly feminine costumes, formed a cotillion, and danced all over 
the yard in this ridiculous " fancy dress " apparel. At Sabot Hill, 
the old black " mammy," Aunt Lou, rushed into the nursery that 
morning, crying out, " Lawdy, chillun, git up and dress as quick as 
yer kin, de whole hillside is blue wid Yankees." Uncle Charles, 
the dining-room servant, begged the bluejackets not to burn and 
destroy the property of his master and mistress, and was as true 
and loyal as "Aunt Lou," who hurried the children to a safe 
hiding place. When Dahlgren knocked at the doors of Sabot Hill, 
Mrs. Seddon came forward with that high, womanly spirit which 
characterized so many patriotic Southern women when all the men 
were absent at the front and their homes were in danger of the 
enemy's torch. 

The intrepid young officer, standing upon a wooden leg, and 
leaning upon a crutch (his leg had been amputated by reason of a 
wound in the ankle, received at Hagerstown, Md., in July, 1863), 
introduced himself as Colonel Dahlgren. Mrs. Seddon asked him 
if he was related to Admiral John A. Dahlgren. When the response 
came that he was a son of the admiral, the wife of the Confederate 
Secretary of War replied, "Your father was an old beau of mine 
in my girlhood days when I was a schoolmate of yo.ur mother's in • 
Philadelphia." This seemed to touch a tender chord, and the 
Colonel at once doffed his hat and promised Mrs. Seddon protec- 

358 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

tion and immunity from harm for herself and property. Whereupon 
she invited the gallant officer and his staff to walk into the elegant 
parlors of this old Virginia mansion with twenty-six rooms, and 
built at a cost of $64,000. Mrs. Seddon ordered Uncle Charles to 
bring from the cellar some blackberry wine of the vintage of 1844, 
and quickly a hostile invader was converted into an amiable guest, 
whose brain was soon exhilarated with the sparkling wine, and his 
manly soul captivated by the gracious diplomacy and finesse of his 
father's quondam sweetheart. It was by this device and strategy 
that Mrs. Seddon detained Colonel Dahlgren about the length 
of time required by General Wise and Mr. Hobson to speed to 
Richmond and notify her husband of the great peril to the young 
nation's capital, for she was advised of their flight to Richmond. 
Thus, it was late that evening when young Dahlgren reached the 
beleagured forts around Richmond. 

" Smyth Blues." 359 

From the Times-Dispatch, June 4, 1905. 


Muster Roll Company D, Fourth Virginia Infantry. 

Editor of the Times- D ispatch : 

Sir, — No part of your excellent paper is more interesting to 
the remnant of old Confederate soldiers now living- than that portion 
you have so kindly dedicated to them and the stories they tell; for 
after all, it is the man behind the guns who knew best the fierceness 
of the conflict while it raged around him, -and the story he tells 
brings us nearer the scene of action and impresses it in detail upon 
our minds more effectually than general history will ever do. 

Since arranging and sending to Major Robert W. Hunter a dupli- 
cate of the enclosed list of members of Company "D," Fourth 
Virginia Infantry (Stonewall Brigade), it has occurred to me to send 
it to you and ask you to, some time or another, give it a place in the 
Confederate column of 3'our paper. Its publication is desired not 
alone because it gives the names enrolled on Orderly Sergeant's 
book, but because it embraces information of some who are dead 
and others living, which will be intensely interesting to many widely 
scattered since the parting at Appomattox in 1865. 
Most respectfully, 

Marion, Va., 1902. Jno. S. Apperson. 

A. G. Pendleton, captain; major 1862; resigned; died in Roan- 
oke, Va., 1902. 

James W. Kennedy, first lieutenant; retired 1862; died in Ten- 
nessee after the war. 

A. E. Gibson, second lieutenant; captain 1862; killed near 
Groveton, Second Manassas. 

J. J. Bishop, first sergeant; died from wounds Second Manassas. 

J. M. Fuller, second sergeant; wounded Gettysburg. 

F. W. Rider, third sergeant; died after war. 

J. M. Thomas, fourth sergeant; promoted captain. 

D. B. Kootz, first corporal; wounded Kernstown. 

I. M. Lampie, second corporal; wounded Spotsylvania Court- 
house; died since war. 

H. T. Killinger, third corporal. 

T. A. Oury, fourth corporal; wounded First Manassas; dead. 

Adam Allen, killed Chancellorsville. 

358 Southern Historical Society Papers, 

tion and immunity from harm for herself and property. Whereupon 
she invited the gallant officer and his staff to walk into the elegant 
parlors of this old Virginia mansion with twenty-six rooms, and 
built at a cost of $64,000. Mrs. Seddon ordered Uncle Charles to 
bring from the cellar some blackberry wine of the vintage of 1844, 
and quickly a hostile invader was converted into an amiable guest, 
whose brain was soon exhilarated with the sparkling wine, and his 
manly soul captivated by the gracious diplomacy and finesse of his 
father's quondam sweetheart. It was by this device and strategy 
that Mrs. Seddon detained Colonel Dahlgren about the length 
of time required by General Wise and Mr. Hobson to speed to 
Richmond and notify her husband of the great peril to the young 
nation's capital, for she was advised of their flight to Richmond. 
Thus, it was late that evening when young Dahlgren reached the 
beleagured forts around Richmond. 

Smyth Blues." 359 

From the Times-Dispatch, June 4, 1905. 


Muster Roll Company D, Fourth Virginia Infantry. 

Editor of the limes-Dispatch : 

Sir, — No part of }>our excellent paper is more interesting to 
the remnant of old Confederate soldiers now living than that portion 
you have so kindly dedicated to them and the stories they tell; for 
after all, it is the man behind the guns who knew best the fierceness 
of the conflict while it raged around him, -and the story he tells 
brings us nearer the scene of action and impresses it in detail upon 
our minds more effectually than general history will ever do. 

Since arranging and sending to Major Robert W. Hunter a dupli- 
cate of the enclosed list of members of Company "D," Fourth 
Virginia Infantry (Stonewall Brigade), it has occurred to me to send 
it to you and ask you to, some time or another, give it a place in the 
Confederate column of }'our paper. Its publication is desired not 
alone because it gives the names enrolled on Orderly Sergeant's 
book, but because it embraces information of some who are dead 
and others living, which will be intensely interesting to many widely 
scattered since the parting at Appomattox in 1865. 
Most respectfully, 

Marion, Va., 1902. Jno. S. Apperson. 

A. G. Pendleton, captain; major 1862; resigned; died in Roan- 
oke, Va., 1902. 

James W. Kennedy, first lieutenant; retired 1862; died in Ten- 
nessee after the war. 

A. E. Gibson, second lieutenant; captain 1862; killed near 
Groveton, Second Manassas. 

J. J. Bishop, first sergeant; died from wounds Second Manassas. 

J. M. Fuller, second sergeant; wounded Gettysburg. 

F. W. Rider, third sergeant; died after war. 

J. M. Thomas, fourth sergeant; promoted captain. 

D. B. Kootz, first corporal; wounded Kernstown. 

I. M. Lampie, second corporal; wounded Spotsylvania Court- 
house; died since war. 

H. T. Killinger, third corporal. 

T. A. Oury, fourth corporal; wounded First Manassas; dead. 

Adam Allen, killed Chancellorsville. 

360 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Benjamin Allen, wounded Winchester; lost an eye; dead. 

David Allison. 

I. G. Anderson, lost leg, Sharpsburg; dead. 

John S. Apperson, commissioned hospital steward 1862; assigned 
duty with Field Infirmary, Second Corps, A. N. V. (Surgeon 

B. F. Bates. 

William Barbour; dead. 

Alex Bear, promoted lieutenant 1862. 

W. P. Bell, died from wounds, Second Manassas. 

Randolph Bradley, killed below Richmond. 

Isaac Brown, killed Sharpsburg. 

W. H. Bolton. 

Cleophas , wounded. 

John A. Buchanan, Judge Court of Appeals, Virginia. 
George C. Bridgeman. 

Samuel A. Byars, wounded Chancellorsville; lame for life. 
J. S. Campbell. 

Thomas P. Campbell, promoted lieutenant; wounded Wilder- 
ness, 1864. 
*W. B. Carder, promoted lieutenant; died since war. 
W. H. Cleaver, killed Cedar Creek, 1864. 
John" Cox. 

George W. Cullop, lost leg at Chancellorsville; died since war. 
J. R. Cullop. 

John J. Dix, died from wounds received, Chancellorsville. 
Adam Dutton, died after war. 
James A. Dutton. 
G. M. Dudley. 

C. O. Davis. 
James W. Duncan. 
W. P. Francis. 

G. H. Fudge, lieutenant; wounded, Fredericksburg; Judge of 
County Court, Smyth. 

John W. Fudge. 

Robert Fulwiler. 

Edward Falkie, wounded. 

Robert Green, wounded First Manassas. 

Henry Goodman, killed, May 12th, Spotsylvania. 

Ambrose Griffith, color-bearer; wounded at Chancellorsville and 
before Petersburg. 

66 Smyth Blues." 361 

Moses Gibson. 

James J. Gill, lost leg- at Gettysburg. 


J. F. Harris, died since war. 

William Henegar, killed, Cedar Creek, 1864. 

W. R. Henegar. 

Henry Henderlite; died since war. 

Ephriam, died from wounds received at Chancellorsville. 

John Hogsdon. 

John N. Hull. 

Abram Hutton, died after war. 

John Hutton, died from wounds at Chancellorsville. 

A. J. Isenhower, killed, Sharpsburg. 
M. T. James, died in prison. 

S. E. James, killed in battle. 

E. M. James. 

B. F. Jones, died from wounds, Second Manassas. 
H. B. Jones, died in hospital. 

T. L. Jones, died in hospital. 

B. F. Leonard, wounded First Manassas; died after war. 

Joseph H. Lampie, killed battle Kernstown. 

Albert Lambert, dead. 

W. A. Mays, wounded on picket duty. 

W. H. Magruder. 

F. B. Magruder, wounded at Chancellorsville. 
B. F. Maiden. 

Edward McCready, killed First Manassas. 

H. H. McCready, lieutenant; wounded at Chancellorsville; killed 
Payne's farm. 

Robert McCready; died from wounds Wilderness, 1864. 

W. F. Moore, killed Spotsylvania, 1864. 

J. M. Morris; dead; 

Samuel Neff, killed Kernstown. 

T. C. Oaks. 

Bedford Overbay. 

John Parrish, killed at Payne's farm. 

J. T. Palmer; dead. 

Matthew Prater; dead. 

Martin Roane, lost two fingers at Chancellorsville; dead. 

James Roark; dead. 

362 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

J. H. Romans, killed First Manassas. 

Samuel Reedy. 

A. O. Sanders, wounded below Richmond. 

A. T. Sanders; died since the war. 

William Sanders, died during the war. 

Jesse Seay. 

Benjamin Sexton, died from wounds, Second Manassas. 

F. H. Sexton, died in prison. 

M. Sexton, killed Gettysburg. 

Sexton, wounded. 

C. C. Snider, died from wounds. 
T. C. Sexton. 

A. J. Staley. 

R. S. Stephens, died since war. 

J. H. Sayers. 

T. E. Schwartz. 

W. B. Skeffey, died at Elmira prison. 

Willoughby Savage. 

Henry Tibbs. died during the war. 

J. B. Umbarger, lost arm at Gettysburg. 

A. N. Umbarger. ,- 

William Umbarger, wounded Chancellorsville; died since the war. 

Ephriam Umbarger, died since the war. 

D. W. Venable. 

R. C. Vaughan, promoted captain; died after war. 

W. D. Willmore, wounded in front of Richmond, 1864. 

Thomas J. Wolf, died from wounds received at Chancellorsville. 

Sampson H. Wolf, killed First Manassas. 

Joseph Wolf; dead. 

Lafayette Wolf. 

A. I. Wygal. 

T. J. Wygal; dead. 

S. J. Wolf, died after war. 

Theodore Wallace, died after war. 

Henry Webb, died from wounds received at Chancellorsville. 

John M. Williams, promoted captain; wounded at Sharpsburg. 

John Williams. 

B. P. Walker, wounded Kernstown. 

J. M. Wilburn, killed in skirmish near Shepherdstown. 
Edward Harrison, died from wounds received at Chancellorsville. 

Thirty-third Virginia at First Manassas. 363 

From the Times- Dispatch, June 4, 1905. 


Colonel Cummings Takes Liberties with his Orders 
and Does Good Work. 

Colonel J. W. Allen's Report — Interesting Recollections 
of Deeds of Valor at First Manassas Battle. 

The fame of "Stonewall Jackson" overspread the Honey Hill 
combat at Manassas, 21st of July, 1861, but the reports of all his 
regimental commanders having' been lost, no official record clarifies 
the movements and achievements of his five regiments on that day. 
The recent discovery and publication in The Times- Dispatch 
of Colonel Kenton Harper's report of the Fifth Virginia Infantry, 
have fixed the movements of that regiment, and various communi- 
cations from reliable officers and men have well nigh completed 
the history of the brigade on that occasion. Colonel Arthur C. 
Cummings, of Abingdon * commanded the Thirty-third Virginia 
Infantry that day. He had served in the Mexican War, and was 
a highly accomplished soldier and gentleman, worthy of higher 
command than befel his lot. His recent death has brought the 
name of this modest and heroic man again before the public. He 
shunned notoriety of all kinds, and rested content in "the con- 
scientiousness of duty faithfully performed." 

Captain John H. Grabill, of the Thirty-third, who was with his 
regiment in the Manassas battle, and has kindly furnished me a brief 
statement and also with a pretty full account from Colonel Cum- 
mings, contained in a letter addressed to Captain Grabill at Wood- 
stock, where he lives, dated May 16, 1898. It is due to history 
that these memorials of a brave regiment and of valiant deeds that 
had no little to do with the Confederate victory, be published. 
Captain Grabill relates his distinct memory of the charge of the 
Thirty-third, and that it was against the Brooklyn Zouaves (the 
Fourteenth New York), and a Michigan Regiment (the Michigan 
then commanded by Colonel, afterwards Major-General Orlando B. 
Wetroy), who was at the front of the Federal battery. He says: 

364 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

" They were driven over their own battery by the charge of the 
Thirty-third," and the battery captured as related by General 
Cummings. After the battle w?s over, General Jackson rode to 
one of the field hospitals. As he sat upon his horse he looked 
steadily upon the dying Captain Lee, of the Thirty-third, who was 
propped against a small tree, and made this remark: " The work 
Colonel Cumming's regiment did today was worth the loss of the 
entire regiment." 


It will be observed that in Colonel Cummings' description of the 
action, he says: "The pieces taken by the Thirty-third were 
situated considerably to the left (as we were facing) of the Henry 
House, and the pieces taken by the other regiments of the brigade 
were somewhat on the same line, but nearer the Henry House." 

I have no doubt that this statement as to the location of the guns 
is correct. Major R. W. Hunter, who was at that time first lieu- 
tenant and adjutant of the Second Virginia Infantry, which was 
immediately on the right of the Thirty-third, confirms Colonel 
Cummings' statement, and I have seen similar statements in other 
accounts of the battle. The History of the Ulster Guard, a New 
York regiment, by Colonel Gates, who •commanded it, contains a 
description of the battle at this point very much like that of 
Colonel Cummings'. 

Confusion has arisen in some of the versions of this conflict by 
the writer's failing to distinguish between the separated guns that 
were taken by Colonel Cummings and those subsequently carried 
nearer to the Henry House, when the whole field was swept in the 
final Confederate charge. 


The Captain Lee referred to by Colonel Cummings was William 
Fitzhugh Lee, born in Richmond, but then of Alexandria, the son 
of Rev. William F. Lee, and he was a graduate of the Virginia 
Military Institute in the class of 1853. Two years later he became 
a lieutenant in the United States army. When the war broke out, 
he was on duty at the St. Louis arsenal, and he resigned to follow 
the fortunes of his State. He was soon appointed a captain in the 
Confederate army, and then lieutenant-colonel of the Thirty-third 
Virginia Infantry. 

Thirty-third Virginia at First Manassas. 365 


Just after that sally of the Thirty-third, the Second Virginia 
Infantry, under Colonel James W. Allen, which was the next regi- 
ment to its right, advanced to the assault. Colonel Allen, born in 
Shenandoah, had moved with his father's family in boyhood to 
Bedford county, and had attended the old New London Academy. 
He graduated from the Virginia Military Institute in 1849, and 
became there an assistant professor of mathematics after first 
teaching at the Piedmont Institute in Liberty. No report from him 
appears in the war records, but an extract from it is found in 
" The Memorial of the Virginia Military Institute," by Charles D. 
Walker, p. 324, which indicates that it has been published in the 
press, and it happily preserves the continuity of the story of the 
Stonewall Brigade at Manassas. Colonel Allen had but one eye, 
and during the cannonade which preceded the infantry combat on 
that day, a shot cut off the limb of a pine tree and hurled it in his 
other eye, temporarily blinding him. He afterward greatly distin- 
guished himself, and was killed while in command of the brigade at 
Gaines' Mill, June 27, 1862. 

colonel allen's report. 

In the report of Colonel Allen of the action of his regiment on 
the occasion referred to, he says: 

"About 1 P. M. I was directed to station my regiment at the 
edge of a pine thicket to support the battery immediately on my 
right, with orders to fire when the enemy appeared in sight over 
the hill, then to charge and drive them back with the bayonet. In 
this position my men lay somewhat under the cover of the hill for 
moKe than an hour and a half, during all of which time they were 
exposed to the effects of shell and shot from the enemy's batteries, 
which had advanced, under cover of the hills, to my left flank. 
Many of my men and officers were wounded by explosions that 
took place immediately in their midst; yet they stood their ground, 
awaiting the approach of the infantry. Colonel Cummings, on my 
left, met them, endeavoring to turn their flank. After advancing, 
two of his companies fell back through my left, which was kept in 
position by the coolness of Captain Nelson, who gallantly main- 
tained his position, though exposed to a front fire of grape and 

366 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

shell, and a flank fire from the enemy's musketry. At this junctuer 
I was informed by Major Botts (whose coolness, energy and 
perseverance in rallying the men deserves special mention) that my 
left was turned. Not seeing the enemy in front, I directed that the 
three left companies be drawn back to meet them. This order was 
partially misunderstood by the centre companies for a general 
direction to fall back, and all the line turned. I at once gave the 
order to charge, but the thicket was so close and impenetrable that 
only a part of the right wing, under Lieutenant-Colonel Lackland, 
could be rallied about thirty yards in rear of the original position, 
the enemy having advanced to the position originally held by the 
left of the regiment, judging by their fire, for it was impossible to 
see them. 


"At this moment Colonel Preston, who was on my right, and in 
rear of the battery, advanced, and Lieutenant-Colonel Lackland, 
with about one hundred of my right, charged on the enemy's 
batteries, drove them from their pieces, and took position immedi- 
ately in front of the guns, sheltering themselves as much as possible 
by them. Wishing to secure one of the rifle cannon, he ordered 
five or six men to take it to the rear, but had not proceded more 
than fifty yards, when the enemy opened on his right, which was 
unsupported, and he was compelled to retire with the few men 
under his command, having lost nine killed and thirty-four 
wounded in the charge. The line did not retire until after our 
battery was withdrawn. 

" The list of killed and wounded having been handed in, it is 
unnecessary to repeat it. I cannot, however, close this report 
without again making honorable mention of Captain Nelson, who 
gallantly fell at his post, supposed to be mortally wounded, and to 
the gallantry of Lieutenant-Colonel Lackland, who, with but a 
handful of men, charged on the enemy's battery and actually 
brought one of their rifled guns to the rear, with but four men." 

Colonel Allen's reference to the appearance of Colonel Preston, 
"who was on the right and in the rear of the batterv," denotes the 
time when Jackson's right centre advanced under his immediate 
direction. This was the third and effectual movement which 

Thirty-third Virginia at First Manassas. 367 

carried the position defended by Griffin's and Rickett's one of 
twelve gun's, which were posted near the Henry House, some of 
them being turned on the front of the Second and Thirty-third 
Regiments, and the most of them on the batteries of Pendleton to 
the right of these regiments, and on the front of the other three 
regiments of the brigade; i. e., the Fourth, Twenty-seventh and 
Fifth. When Colonel James P. Preston went forward with the 
Fourth, the Twenty-seventh, under Lieutenanc-Colonel John 
Echols, moved simultaneously, and the two regiments commingled 
at the captured guns, each losing heavilv in the charge. 

From the material collected in the contribution to The Times- 
Dispatch, the historian, with the aid of the War Records, can now 
compute the complete story of the Stonewall Brigade at First 

John W. Daniel. 

Colonel Cummings's Account. 

On the night of the 20th of July, 1861, our army lay in rear and 
facing Bull Run, the right resting near Union Mills, and the left at 
the Stone bridge. General Beauregard expected to be attacked 
the next morning on the front and right, but very soon in the 
morning he and General Johnston saw that the enemy was moving 
on the Centreville road, in the direction of the Stone bridge, with 
the view of attacking and turning our left flank, the demonstration 
on our front being only a feint. Leaving a force to protect our 
right, the rest of the army, except the command at or near the 
Stone bridge, already engaged, were moved along and in the rear 
of Bull Run to reinforce the troops already engaged, and to resist 
the attack on our left. 

The Stonewall Brigade, after being halted several times, reached 
the brow of the hill or ridge. The centre of the brigade, when thus 
formed in line in a pine thicket at the edge of the plateau, was 
about opposite the famous Henry House, After the brigade was 
formed in line, we were ordered to lay down in the edge of the 
pines. This was about 12 or 1 o'clock, and the battle had then 
been raging for hours, and our troops were being driven back. As 
the brigade was then in line, the Thirty-third was on the left and 
was at that time the extreme left of our army. On its right the 

368 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Second, Fourth, Twenty-Seventh and Fifth — the latter, as I under- 
stand, a little detached from the balance of the brigade. [The 
Fourth was in line behind Colonel Pendleton's batteries, and the 
Twenty-seventh just in rear of it; so that the right centre was four 
deep.— J. W. D.] 

Two of the largest companies of the Thirty-third had been left 
in the Valley. The eight companies present were from Shenandoah, 
Page, Hampshire and Hardy (five were from Shenandoah, and one 
each from Page, Hardy and Hampshire); both the latter companies 
were small, about fifty men, so that deducting the sick and absent, 
there were only about 400 men in the action. I was then the only 
regular field officer in the regiment; but there was a Captain Lee, 
a splendid man and gallant officer, who had been temporarily 
assigned to the regiment and acted as field lieutenant-colonel; he 
was, in the charge, struck in the breast with a piece of shell and fell 
at his post mortally wounded, and died soon afterwards. 


After giving this brief account of our movements and the position 
of the brigade previous to our going into action, I will give my 
recollections, which is quite distinct, of the charge made by the 
Thirty-third and the reasons which led to its being made before the 
charge was made by the other regiments of the brigade. This 
charge by the Thirty-third was made contrary to the order of 
General Jackson, and I will give you the reason why his order was 
not strictly obeyed — as you will remember, the eight companies 
tnat participated in the charge, whilst made up of an exceedingly 
fine body of gallant men, were, with probably the exception of one 
or two companies, composed of undrilled and undisciplined men; 
in other words, they might almost be termed raw recruits. Whilst 
the brigade was laying in the tidge of the pines the Thirty-third, 
a little to the left and front of the Henry House, as we were facing, 
General Jackson rode along in line and directed me to look out for 
the enemy's artillery and to wait until the enemy were within thirty 
paces, and then to fire and charge bayonets. The battle was then 
raging to our front and right and our forces siill being driven back. 

About this time, or soon thereafter, some men, dressed in red, 
presumably Federals, appeared in the bushes on the left flank iA' 
the regiment, and some of the men of the left company fired at 

Thirty-third Virginia at First Manassas. 369 

them, and about the same time some shots from the enemy's artil- 
lery raked through the brush just over the regiment and tore up the 
ground uncomfortably near the men, and the two things together, 
coming about the same time, caused considerable confusion in a 
part of the regiment, and realizing that the most trying position 
that raw men, and even the best disciplined and bravest could be 
placed in, was to be required to remain still, doing nothing and re- 
ceiving the enemy's fire without returning it, I feared the conse- 
quences, if I strictly obeyed General Jackson's orders; therefore it 
was that I gave the orders to charge, contrary to his order to wait 
until the enemy was within thirty paces, the enemy being much 
further off at that time. 

From this you will readily see how it happened that the Thirty- 
third made the charge before the other regiments made the charge 
as a brigade. A more gallant charge is rarely made than was then 
made by the Thirty-third (though in not a very good order). The 
men moved off with the greatest alacity, killed and drove off the 
gunners, shot down their artlillery heroes and captured the battery 
of artillery, but the loss was so great, there being about 43 killed 
and 140 wounded altogether, we were forced to abandon the cap- 
tured guns and fall back in the face of a deadly fire and overwhelm- 
ing numbers, and this was the first check the enemy received up to 
that time. Very soon thereafter the other regiments of the brigade 
made a charge and captured another battery. The pieces taken by 
the Thirty-third were situated considerably to the left (as we were 
facing) of the Henry House, and the pieces taken by the other 
regiments of the brigade were somewhat in the same line, but 
nearer the Henry House (the Robinson House being still further to 
the right). One of the men of the Thirty-third cut a bridle bit 
from a bridle of one of the artillery horses and gave me afterwards, 
which I have used ever since and have now. I am inclined to 
think, from what I have since learned that the battery or pieces 
taken by the Thirty-third was Griffin's, and that the one or pieces 
taken by the Other regiments of the brigade was Rickett's or prob- 
ably, if there was but one battery in front of the brigade it was 
placed in two sections, the one on the left taken by the Thirty- 
third, and the other, in the same line, but nearer the Henry House, 
and the one taken but abandoned by the Thirty-third was also re- 
taken by the brigade. 

I think, however, it is more probable that both Griffin's and 

370 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Rickett's were in position near and to the left of the Henry House. 
With batteries or sections of batteries at two different points near 
and to the left of the Henry House, will readily account for the 
Thirty-third taking one and the other regiments taking the other, 
and also retaking the one captured by the Thirty-third. 


There are two things, however, about which there can be no 
doubt — one that the Thirty-third, being at the time on the extreme 
left of our army, charged alone and took the enemy's battery or 
section thereof on our left, and that the rest of the brigade imme- 
diately charged and took a battery or section of one nearest the 
Henry House, and as I now recollect, if not mistaken, retook the 
one previously taken by the Thirty-third, numbers of the Thirty- 
third falling in with other regiments as individuals, and not as a 
regiment, and also that I ordered the charge by the Thirty-third 
before the time arrived to execute General Jackson's order for the 
reason before given. Every regiment gallantly did its whole duty, 
the other regiments likely doing more fighting than the Thirty- 
third, owing to the heavy loss sustained by it in making the first 
charge alone and the disorganization that followed. 

I had frequent talks with the officers of the brigade after the fight 
and never knew of any difference of opinion as to the action of the 
different regiments of the brigade, and see no occasion for any now. 
In a fight, of course, every one sees more clearly what takes place 
in his immediate presence, and no doubt, many things were seen 
by others of which I have no personal knowledge. I have evidence 
in my possession from others of the Thirty-third which more than 
sustain my account of the action of the Thirty-third. From having 
been somewhat unwell, my hand is a little tremulous, but I hope 
you may be able to wade through this badly written letter, and if 
you tire before you reach the end, you can stop and take it in 
broken doses. I should have written you a clean and better 
account of the part performed by the Thirty-third and the rest of 
the brigade at the first battle of Manassas, but you must be satisfied 
at present with this. I should regret very much for any contro- 
versy to arise as to the part performed by any regiment of the 
brigade that was immortalized on the eventful 21st of July, 1861, 
when all behaved so gallantly and are entitled to the consolation of 
knowing that their full duty was well performed. But as you are 

The Berkeley Brothers. 371 

an editor, though I may be over-cautious, I will ask, as there is no 
necessity of it, you will not make public my letter. The whole 
brigade measured up to its full standard of duty, made its reputa- 
tion and there let it rest. Ever since the close of the war I have had 
a great longing to visit the Valley of Virginia, but the time never 
seemed opportune, but I still cherish, perhaps, the vain hope of 
doing so. As age advances, my heart instinctively turns to old 
friends and old things, many of whom (that is, friends) I fancy, I 
would meet in the Valley. I shall be pleased to hear from you any 
time when when you are at leisure, and in the meantime, I remain, 

Arthur C. Cummings. 
Abingdon, May 16, 1898. 

From the Richmond News-Leader, January 21, 1907. 


Of the Eighth Virginia Regiment, C. S. A. 

Colonel C. Edmund Berkeley, of Prince William County, Va., 
spoke at the banquet Saturday night, January 19, 1907, at the 
Hotel Kernan, of the Society of the Army and Navy of the Confed- 
erate States in Maryland, in Baltimore. 

The Sun tells these interesting facts about the distinguished guest: 

Colonel Berkeley is one of the most interesting survivors of the 
Confederacy. He was born February 29, and, while his birthday 
comes only once in every four years, he will be eighty-three when 
February 28, 1907, shall have come and gone. On that day the 
average age of his two brothers and himself will be eighty-one 
years — a remarkable coincidence. 

Colonel Berkeley was lieutenant-colonel of the Eighth Virginia 
Regiment, "The Bloody Eighth." His brother, Colonel Norborne 
Berkeley, who lives with him in Prince William County, was colonel 

372 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of that regiment. A third brother, Major William Berkeley, who 
lives in Richmond, was major of the regiment. Still a fourth 
brother, the late Captain Charles Berkeley, was a senior captain in 
the Eighth. 


This remarkable organization, that became known throughout 
the Confederate army for its heroism, was composed of five com- 
panies from Loudoun County, three companies from Fauquier 
County, one company from Prince William County, and one from 
Fairfax County. It was under the command of Colonel Eppa 
Hunton, who was made brigadier-general after the death of General 
Richard Garnett at Gettysburg. 

Pickett, in his immortal charge at Gettysburg, had three brigades, 
commanded, respectively, by General Garnett, General Armistead 
and General Kemper, who afterward became Governor of Virginia. 
General Garnett was killed in the battle, General Armistead was 
mortally wounded, and General Kemper was crippled for life. 

In the Eighth Virginia the three Berkeley brothers — Edmund, 
Norborne and William — were field officers. Colonel Berkeley said 
yesterday he did not believe there was another regiment in either 
army that had three brothers as field officers. All the Berkeley 
brothers were wounded during the war and all were imprisoned, 
except Colonel Edmund Berkeley. 


Toward the close of the war, when bullets became scarce in the 
Confederate army, Colonel Berkeley was commissioned to penetrate 
the Union lines and go in search of lead. When the close of the 
conflict came, he was busy collecting old lead pipe and leaden ware 
of every sort with which to mold bullets for his comrades. 

While nearly eighty-three years old, Colonel Berkeley is as hale 
and hearty as a strong man of fifty-five or sixty. He takes long 
walks every day and can ride horseback like a youngster. He does 
not wear glasses, and is ready to engage in a shooting contest with 
anybody at any time. Colonel Berkeley has many friends in 


African, Cannibal feasts, 343. 

Alexander, General E. P., 246. 

Allan, Colonel Wm., 2. 

Allen, Colonel J. W., 263. 

Appomattox, Advance from, Development 

of the South since, 336. 
Appomattox, Thin gray line at, 246. 
Armisteaci, General L. A., Death of, 29. 
Army of Northern Virginia, Chaplains of 

the, 190. 
Ashby, John William, last man killed at 

Appomattox, 218. 
Averill General W. W., 206, 209. 

Baker, Colonel E. D., a spectacular hero, 271. 
Ball's Bluff, Men of Virginia at, Battle of, 

Ball, Colonel W. B., 274. 
Barksdale, General Wm., 264. 
Bartlett, General Wm. Francis, 273. 
Battery No. 19, 83. 
Beale, Rev. G. W., 210. 
Beale, General R. L. T,75, 183. 
Beall, General VV. N. R , 74. 
Beauregard, General G. T., 129 
Bee, General Barnard E., 266. 
Bennett, Mrs. James Gordon, 36. 
Bennett, Hon. R. T., Address of, 52. 
Berkeley, C aptain Charles, 371. 
Berkeley, Coionel C. Edward, 371. 
Berkeley, Colonel Norbourne, 371. 
Berkeley, Major Wm., 371. 
Beverley, Capture of, 308. 
Bidgood, Sergeant Major J. V., 253. 
Blair, General Francis P., 213. 
Blair, Hon. Montgomei'y, burning of his 

house, an accident, 213. 
Bledsoe, Dr. A, T , 2. 
Botts, Major Lawson, 266. 
Brent, Captain Preston, 241. 
Brock, H. C, wounded, 179. 
Bouldin, Captain E. E., 76. 
Bouldin, Powhatan, 76. 
Buchanan, Admiral Franklin, 32. 
Bull Run Rout, 172, 292. 
Burt. Colonel, killed, 365. 
Butler, Mrs. Mary A. (H. A.), 36. 

Cabell, Wm. Preston, 353. 

Campbell, Major S. H., Engineer Corps, 6. 

Canal, James River and Kanawha, primi- 
tive travel on, 354. 

Carnochan, Dr. J. M., 40. 

Carrington, Colonel H. A., 333. 

Carter, Captain, 15. 

Cedar Creek, Great Battle of, 191. 

Chambersburg, Burning of, 65, 76. 

Chancellorsville, Gen'l Lee's Strategy at, 1; 
Reports as to by Confederate Officers, &, 35, 
55, 206. 

Chaplains of Army Northern Virginia, 313. 
Cheat Mountain Attack on, 336. 
Charlotte Cavalry, Organisation, Engage- 
ments and Casualties of, 75. 
Church ville Cavalry, 76. 
Clopton, Captain Wm. Izard, 82. 
Confederate Commissioners to Washington 

in 1861, 281. 
Confederate Soldier, morale and intelligence 

of, 65 ; valor of, 157 ; faith and inspiration 

of, 337. 
Confederate Currency, Depreciation of, 50. 
Confederate Battle Fl«g, Suggested by 

General Beauregard, 172. 
Confederate Artillery, Reorganization of 

the, 1862, 153. 
Conference at Centreville, October 1, 1861, 

as to Invading the North. President 

Davis' Version of it, 128. 
Cooke, John Esten, 9. 
Craney Island, Battle of, 147. 
Crocker, Hon. James F., 128. 
Crocker, Rev W. A., 50. 
Crook, General o eorge, 289. 
Crouch, Dr. Richard G , 179. 
Cummings, Colonel Arthur C, 363. 
Custer, General G. A., 180. 
Cutheriel), Captain C. A., 160. 

Dabney, Dr. R. L., 2, 179. 

Dahlgren Raid, 181 ; How a woman saved 

Richmond from, 353. 
Dahlsrren, rolonel Ulric, 181; Savage orders 

of, 187, 18S, 356; Negro hung by, 184, 356 ; 

Murder of two boys, 185 ; Looting by his 

men, 189. 
Daniel, Major John W., 2, 195, 218, 244, 327. 
David's Island Hospital, 32. 
Davidson, Lieutenant Hunter, 323. 
Davis, wounded. Colonel, 199. 
Dearing, Major James, 329. 
Decisive Battles of the World, 255. 
Devens, General < harles, 273 
Douglas, Colonel Henry Kyd, 195. 
Drewry, Major Augustus H. 82. 
Drewry's Bluff, New Light on Battle of, 82. 

Early, General J. A., Strategy of, and thin 
gray line at Cedar Creek, 195 ; Valley 
Campaign of, 272 ; Ordered Chambersburg 
to be burned in retaliation, 214; a remark- 
able character, 217. 

Edwards, Lieutenant J. R., 211. 

Eggleston, Mrs. John Randolph, 191. 

Ellery, Car-tain W., killed, 1X5. 

Elzey, General Arnold, the Blucher ot 
Manassas, 174. 

Emmerson, Captain Arthur, 147. 

Farmville, Fight near, in 1865, 245. 



Farrand, Captain, 90. 

Featherston, General W. T., 265. 

Federal and Confederate forces, disparity 
between, 1, 195 208, 213, 215, 289. 

Federal care of Confederate wounded, 33 

Federal and Confederate (Soldiers, respect- 
ive qualities of, 61. 

Federal Vandajism, 215, 217. 

Fisher's Hill, Fight at, 215. 

Fiveash, Joseph G., 316. 

Fontaine, Colonel Win. Winston, 300. 

Gaines, Lieutenant Samuel M., 76. 
Gettysburg, Battle of, 28; Picttett's charge 

at, 327 ; bloody charge of, 336. 
Gibbon, General John, 330. 
Gibson, Moses, 217. 
Gill, John, 177. 

Gladstone, W. E., Dying words of, 52. 
Godwin, general Archie C, 194 ; killed, 196. 
Grabill, Captain John H., 363. 
Grafton, Camp at, in 1861, 188. 
Graves, Master C. W., Commanding U. S. 

Steamer Lockwood in 1862, 151 . 
Greene, U. S. Navy, Lieutenant, 324. 
Grimes, Captain Carey F., killed, 152. 

Hampton Roads, Conference in February, 
1865, The, 311 

Harper's Ferry, Demonstration in May, 
1862, The, 200, 

Harper Colonel Kenton, 363. 

Hartford Convention in 1814, The, 60. 

Haskell, Colonel A. C, 244 

Hatton, Captain Clarence R., 194. 

Hayes, Colonel R. H., His report of "Cap- 
tured Stuff," 297. 

Henderson, cited, Colonel, 20 

Henley, Captain R. L , Gallantry of, 251. 

Hernrion, Dr. brodie strauchan, 42. 

Hill, Tribute to General Lee, by B. H. 351. 

Hoffman, Com. Gen. of Prisoners, Col., 40. 

Holmes, Colonel diver Wendell, 273. 

Hooker, General Joseph, 1, 206, 209. 

Horner, Mrs. Kate Arnold, 29. 

Hotchkiss, Major Jed., 2 

Howitzers, Richmond, 29, 364. 

Hunter, Major Robert W., 254, 359. 

Hunton, General Eppa, 261. 

Imboden, General J. D., 293. 
Imboden Raid and its effects, 295. 

Jackson, General T. J., 1 ; Glowing apostro- 
phe to, 55; at Harper's Ferry in 1861, 202. 

Jackson, General \V. L., "Mudwall," 213, 
294, 301. 

Jenifer, Lieutenant-Colonel, 259. 

Johnson's Island Prison, 39; Rations at, 43; 
Religious wervices at, 46; Lines "Ex- 
changed" on, 47. 

Johnson, General Bradley Tyler, 176. 

Johnston, General J. E. 133; Surrender and 
disbanding of forces of, 124. 

Jones, Lieutenant Ap Catesby, criticized, 

Jones, Captain J. 1!., 88. 

Jones, Maryus, 275. 

Jones, Genera] W. E.. 306 

Jordan, Oapt. of the Bedford Artillery, 90. 

JudSOn, Adoniram, His Life incense to 
heaven, 55. 

Keith, Judge .lames, Address of, 212. 
Kelly, General B. P., 289. 
Kemper, General .1. L at Gettysburg, 828. 
Kllpatricfc, General Judson, 180. 

Lackland, Colonel, :'.(i(i. 
Lacy, Chaplain B. T , 6. 

Lamb, Hon. John, Address of, 57. 

Lampkin's Battery, Retreat of from Peters- 
burg to Appomattox, 243 

Last Confederate and Federal soldier, 
respectively, killed, 218. 

Lee's Rangers, A noted company, 179, 277. 

Lee, General Fitzhugh 11, 12, 2u. 

Lee, beneral R. E., statement of as to Chan- 
cellorsville, 8, 9, 14, 55; Worsley's lines on, 
63; Last order of to Army Northern Vir- 
ginia, 110; < ommanded in West Virginia, 
121, 245, 292; Abiding spirit of, 350, 387; 
Tribute to by B. H. Hid, 356. 

Lee, Captain Win. Fitzhugh, 364. 

Lee, General W. K. F., "Rboney," 179, 192. 

Lee, General W.R, 273. 

Lemmon, George, 170. 

Lincoln, Mrs. A. 37. 

Lincoln, Proclamation, War, 281 ; Emanci- 
pation, 311. 

Lipscomb, Captain Martin Meredith, 187. 

Long, General A. L., 2, 15. 

Louisiana, Purchase of, 61. 

Lynch, Wilson B., 149. 

McClellan, General Geo B., Career of, 284. 

McNeil, John A , 280, 294. 

Manassas, First Battle of, Heroism of the 

Maryland Line at, 170; 33rd Va. Infantry 

at, 363. 
Mann, Sergeant S. A., 97. 
March, Confederates in shortest time, 248. 
Marr, Captain John Quincy, killed, 225. 
Maryland, Career of the first regiment, 172. 
Marshall, Colonel Charles, 17. 
Marshall, Col. Thos. Children of, adopted 

by Mrs. Susan Lees, 36 
Massie, Lieutenant Fletcher T., 243. 
Mayo. Colonel Joseph, 327. 
Mayo; Mrs W. C, 354. 
Meredith, Sergeant Fleming, 186. 
Milrov, General R. H., Capture of command 

of, 298. 
Minor, Dr. James Madison, 36. 
Moore, M. J, 249 
Morris, General T. A., 289. 
Morrison, Colonel E. M., 250. 
Morson, James M., 355. 
Munford, General T T , 200. 
Murray, Captain W. H., 176; Services of 

his Company, 177; Monument to, 178; 

Monument at Gettysburg by Murray 

Confederate Association, 178. 

Negroes, Former Cannibals in Africa, 343. 
Netherwood, Albin, 237. 

Oil Works in Wirt County burned, 309. 

Pfllmer, Dr John Williamson, 176. 

Parham, Ensign John T., 253. 

Patriotism of Peace, The, 155. 

Patton, Colonel Win. Tazewell, 305. 

Pelham's Battery, 171. 

Pendleton, Colonel A. s., 224. 

Peters. Winfield, 170. 

Philippi, Famous Retreat from in 1861, 280. 

Pipkin, Captain, N. c Cavalry, 166. 

Pollard, Lieutenant .lames, 179. 

Pollard, D, !>., Kev John, IT'.i. 

Porterfleld, Colonel Geo. A., 287. 

Portsmouth Artillery, shaft to unveiled, 
ill; Bistory of the command, 144: Roster 
ot in War of 1S12, 147; roster in 1861-5, 1 18 ; 
Officers Of the Monument Association, 149. 

Posey, General Carnot, 241. 

Potomac All quiet alongthe Lines, 66. 

Preston, Colonel James P.. 367. 

Price, D. P., Rev. W. T., 286. 



Prisons of the North and South respect- 
ively, 71. 

Prisoners of War North and South, Treat- 
ment of, relatively to the sections, 69. 

Prison Reminiscenses, by Judge Janaes F. 
Crocker, 28. 

Provisional Army of Virginia in 1861, 288. 

Quitman Rifles, History of the, 239. 

Ramseur, Ambuscade of, General S. D., 213. 
Randolph of Koanoke, John, Key to the 

Eccentricity of, 75. 
Rebel Yell. The, 198. 
Robins, Colonel Wm. Todd, 275. 
Rodgers, Wm. W , 163. 
Rodgers, Judge Robert L , 69. 
Rodgers, Miss Ruth. 69. 
Ruins, The pathos of, 67. 

Scovill, Colonel E. A , 45. 

Secession, the right of, 55; Early approval 
of in New England, 59, 61 ; proposed by 
Massachusetts in 1844, 60. 

Seddon, James A , 333. 

Sheppard, W. L., 237. 

Sheridan, General Philip H , Vandalism 
of, 215. 

Siever's, Wm , 237. 

Simmons, Dr. James, 36 

Slavery in the South incident on conditions; 
perpetuation of not the cause of the war, 
58; Sentiment of the world as to, 63. 

"Smith Briggs," Capture of the by Con- 
federates, 162. 

Smith, General E. K. at Manassas, 175. 

Smith, General G. W., 133. 

Smith, Wm., Governor and General, Un- 
veiling of statue to, with addresses and 
ceremonies incident thereon, 222 

Smyth Blues, Company D, 4th Virginia, 
Roll of, 859. 

South, Development of, since 1865, 336; reck- 
less plunder of the, 342. 

Southside Heavv Artillery, Officers of the, 

Sowell, B A., 169 

Steuart, General Ceorge H., 173. 

Stewart Colonel « . H , 155. 

Sti es, Major Robert, 265. 

Stockdale, Colonel Thos. R. 241. 

"Stonewall Jackson's Way," The Song, 175. 

Sturdivant, Major N. A., 164. 
Swanson, Address of Governor C. A., 231. 
Swope, Dr. David, 30. 
Symington, Major W. Stuart, 322. 

Talcott, Colonel T. M. R., 1. 
Tansill, Colonel Robert, 87 
Taylor, Colonel Walter H., 11. 
Thomas, Julius O., 43, 164. 
Thomas, Richard S., 163. 
Thompson, Captain John H., 149. 
Townsend, Harry C, Diary of, January- 
May, 1865, 99. 
Traitors have been ever cruel, 38. 

Van Lew, Miss Elizabeth L , 187 

Virginia, The Iron-clad, 89; career of, 316; 
Destruction of, 317; Construction of, 319. 

Virginia Cavalry 18th regiment, its flag and 
roll of Company E, 210; Company I, roster 
of, 228. 

Virginia Infantry, 4th regiment and 32d 
regiment at sharpsburg, 250; 8th regi- 
ment, field officers of, 266. 

Virginia Convention of 1861, A remarkable 
body of men, 281. 

Wallace, General Lew, 73. 

Warwick, Lieutenant A D., 205 

Weathersby , killed, Lieut. H. Eugene, 241. 

Wellford, Colonel. 4. 

West Virginia, Cattle captured in, 355. 

White, Colonel E. V., "General," 255. 

White, Colonel Norborne Berkeley, 261. 

Wilkinson, Lieut. Henry, Death of, 47. 

Williams, John Jefferson, 221. 

Williams, John Skelton, 336. 

Williams, Colonel Lewis B , 329. 

Willis, Chaplain E. J , 253. 

Wilson, Captain J. A., 76. 

Winder, General John H., 85. 

Wirz, Captain Henry, Stigma, removed 

from, memory of, 69. 
Wise, Captain O. Jennings, 355; General 

Henry A , 354. 
Women of the Confederacy, what they saw 

and suffered, 191. 
Wooldridge, Colonel W. B., 259. 
Worsley, Philip Stanhope, his lines on 

General R. E Lee, 63 
Wright, General Marcus J., 128.